Government is formulating laws that will provide for mandatory jail sentences for rapists in response to a sharp increase in sexual violations, Parliament heard last week.

This is not the first time that authorities have revealed plans to punish offenders with a mandatory jail sentence as a deterrent against the vice. In 2017, government proposed a mandatory 60-year jail term for those who rape children and 40 years for criminals convicted of raping or sodomising people with disabilities.

Women’s Affairs, Community, Small and Medium Enterprises minister, Sithembiso Nyoni revealed in Parliament last Thursday that government was finalising laws providing for mandatory jail sentences for rape.

Nyoni said government was concerned about statistics of sexual offences, adding that long mandatory jail terms would be the only deterrent measure against the crime.

She said statistics provided by the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) victim friendly unit showed that there were 1 222 cases of rape in the third quarter of 2020 and 1 274 in the last quarter countrywide.

“The Bills (Sexual Harassment Bill and the Gender Equality Bill) are expected to criminalise the offence of sexual harassment and provide frameworks for gender equality,” Nyoni said in a ministerial statement on sexual crimes and gender-based violence (GBV).

The next one is the mandatory sentence for rape.

The Ministry of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs administers the Criminal Code Reform Act and it is spearheading the amendment of the Act to include mandatory sentencing for sexual offences.

“The drafting process has begun. However, the drafters have identified that most relevant stakeholders on the proposed law were not consulted, hence there was need for further consultations.”

The United Nations says GBV is the most pervasive yet least visible human rights violation in the world.

It includes physical, sexual and mental violations with experts stating that one in three women will experience such violations in their lifetime.

-Newsday

By A Correspondent- The Zimbabwe Confederation of Public Sector Trade Unions (ZCPSTU), a civil servants’ group, has petitioned government over the erosion of government workers’ salaries and gave notice of a nationwide full-blown strike next week if the salary issue was not resolved within seven days.

In its petition gleaned by NewsDay dated March 9, 2021 addressed to Public Service minister Paul Mavima, ZCPSTU president Cecilia Alexander said civil servants’ salaries had been severely eroded by inflation and needed to be reviewed.

“Government is wilfully disregarding the NJNC (National Joint Negotiation Council) resolution of December 2020 which stated that the NJNC would meet early January 2020 to craft a roadmap towards the restoration of the value of wages to the pre-October 2018 level,” the petition read in part.

“The ZCPSTU/Apex Council will within seven days from the date of this letter, notify the employer of an impending civil servicewide job action, and that such notification will be served to you in accordance with the laws of the land and in fulfilment of the desires of our members.”

Teachers’ unions also threatened that their members would not report for duty when schools open next week until government paid them salaries ranging from US$520 to US$550, or the equivalent in local currency.

They also expressed disgruntlement over being paid salaries that are way below those paid to the security forces.

Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe president Takavafira Zhou yesterday said teachers’ salaries ranged from $14 000 to $19 000, while soldiers, police and Central Intelligence Organisation officers reportedly earned well above $30 000.

“Government must restore the purchasing power parity of teachers’ salaries to pre-October 2018 levels of US$520 to US$550,”Zhou said in a statement.

Mavima recently told Parliament that government had no capacity to pay foreign currency-denominated salaries.

During the 2021 Parliament of Zimbabwe post-budget consultations, Finance minister Mthuli Ncube claimed that civil servants were the highest paid employees in the country.

Zimbabwe’s breadbasket for a family of six is now pegged at $25 000, according to recent data from the Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency, amid reports that most families were surviving on less than a dollar a day.-Newsday

By A Correspondent- President of the MDC T faction Douglas Mwonzora has reportedly called for an urgent councillors meeting at Harvest House, threatening that those who do not attend would be deemed as belonging to other factions of the party.

According to the unsigned and yet to be confirmed message, Mwonzora told the councillors to present themselves at Harvest House without failure.

We publish below the circulating message:

Attention:All sitting Cllrs are required at Harvest House tomorrow 11 March 2021 @ 2pm by the President His Excellency D.T .Mwonzora. No excuses please,failure to show up means you are not part of us. Norton, Seke, Goromonzi Rural District Council, Chitungwiza Municipality, Ruwa Local Board, Mhondoro Rural District Council. Manyame Rural District Council Chitungwiza Province.

Efforts to get a comment from Mwonzora was work in progress by the time of publishing.

This is a developing story. Refresh this page for latest updates.

By A Correspondent- Private schools have proposed to Government to have a different school calendar from the one announced by the Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education last week.

The schools want the first term to end on March 31 and the second term to start on May 3.

A week ago, Cabinet announced that schools will open for the First Term next Monday for examination classes and the rest of the classes will open on March 22.

The Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education then released the 2021 schools calendar.

According to the ministry, Term One ends on June 4 with the second term commencing on June 28, ending on September 10. The third term will start on October 4 and end on December 17.

Schools were supposed to open on 4 January but Government was forced to defer the opening due to a spike in Covid-19 cases.

Private schools said they want a separate schools calendar given the fact that they have been conducting online lessons when schools were closed. They have since written to the ministry requesting to be allowed to close on March 31 and reopen on May 3 for the second term.

The schools are arguing that there is no need for them to have an extended school term since they have already covered a lot of ground.

In the event their proposal is approved, it means pupils at private schools will not break for Easter holiday and return to school as is the case with Government and mission schools. This year Good Friday falls on April 2 while Easter Monday is on April 5.

Some parents, particularly those with children at boarding schools are already counting the costs of breaking for Easter holidays and returning to school after the holidays.

Primary and Secondary Education Ministry communication and advocacy manager Mr Taungana Ndoro yesterday confirmed that private schools had approached the Ministry with a proposal for a separate schools calendar. He said the ministry is yet to respond to their request.

“The calendar we are using is the one approved by Cabinet and this is supposed to be for all schools. We received their request and until such a time that Government approves their proposal, the opening of schools is on 15 March for examination classes and March 22 for the rest of classes,” said Mr Ndoro.

He said the private schools were saying that their pupils were having online lessons when schools were closed but the Government position is that online lessons are there to complement face-to-face lessons.

“We have to conduct both online and physical face to face lessons as we need to catch up on lost time in 2020 and also time which has been lost in 2021,” he said. Association of Trust Schools executive director Mr Tim Middleton declined to comment on the matter.

“We deal with the Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education directly on all matters to do with education. We deal with them not with the Press or with others. It’s a matter between our association and the Ministry. It’s a private matter between the association of private schools and the ministry of education,” said Mr Middleton.

Reporters understand that some private schools have already told parents and guardians that they will close on March 31 while others have advised that pupils will continue with online lessons until the end of the school term at the end of this month.-statemedia

By A Correspondent- Government’s fight against land barons, accused of illegally parcelling out State land in urban areas, has turned nasty amid reports that Harare’s provincial development coordinator (PDC) Tafadzwa Muguti was recently poisoned and is in a critical condition.

Sources said Muguti was reportedly poisoned after he stepped on several land barons’ toes, mostly those affiliated to the ruling Zanu-PF party.

He recently admitted that he had angered many, both in Zanu-PF and the opposition MDC Alliance, over his tough stance against land barons, adding that his rivals were plotting to “deal with him”.

Muguti has been under the weather over the past few weeks as a result of suspected poisoning allegedly at the hands of the land barons.

Sources alleged that some of the land barons even threatened to do anything to stop him from unmasking their illegal activities.

In a WhatsApp message to NewsDay yesterday, Muguti curtly said: “I am not available at present, will connect once available.”

He, however, could not confirm whether his ill-health was due to alleged poisoning.

Muguti’s life has been in danger ever since he started fighting land barons in the capital.

Sources alleged that he has been the subject of attack in the ruling party’s social media groups over his tough stance.

In a series of tweets recently, Muguti seemed to confirm that the land barons wars were baying for his blood.

“The last few weeks have been very difficult for me and my family. I fell very ill at work and found myself thinking these were the last days of my life,” he tweeted.

Muguti said when he returned to Zimbabwe in 2017 from South Africa to work for the ruling Zanu-PF party, he underestimated the “fires ahead”.

“When I was appointed to be PDC for Harare province, it was a privilege and an honour to serve my country more. Little did I know the fires ahead,” he tweeted then.

“Within three months, our team had awoken the lost noise about land barons. We held well over 30 interviews in a short space of time advocating for land barons to fall. Let me be the first to say I underestimated darkness because when they responded, they hit hard.

“I will be back healthier and stronger, for the Lord will heal me and give me more time for the cause.”

Harare Metropolitan Affairs minister Oliver Chidau said he was aware of his subordinate’s hospitalisation, but could not disclose the nature of the illness.

“I only know he has not been well. I don’t know anything outside that. He is not feeling well, that’s all I know. We are wishing him well and that he should be coming back soon. He just says he is feeling weak,” Chidau said.

An official in Muguti’s office confirmed that the land scam buster has been unwell for some weeks, but could not comment further.

“He is currently on leave, he is not feeling well. Concerning his health and the challenges he may have faced, I don’t know who you can talk to because he is not even taking calls,” the official said.

Sources alleged that Muguti was critically ill and may be flown out of the country for treatment.

They said he was a victim of the vicious land wars that have hit the country and led to the arrest of current and former Zanu-PF officials, among them former Labour minister Petronella Kagonye and her Local Government counterpart, Ignatius Chombo.

Gweru land developer Smelly Dube, and the late former Chitungwiza deputy mayor Fredrick Mabamba, who died in remand prison last week, were fingered in some of the illegal land deals.

The land barons were exposed by the Justice Tendai Uchena land audit report which indicated that the State might have lost over US$3 billion in the scam which involved top politicians, mainly from Zanu-PF.

According to the audit report, Zanu-PF officials illegally parcelled out State land in and around urban areas to lure voters.

President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s administration has declared war on land barons, but most of them are hitting back, with some arguing that they facilitated acquisition of land to home-seekers as a campaign strategy for the ruling party ahead of the 2013 elections and the 2016 by-elections.

Last week, the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission arrested 10 suspected land barons from Ruwa and vowed not to leave any stone unturned in fighting graft.

By A Correspondent- The government will reportedly recruit 3 000 teachers when schools reopen soon.

The move is meant to cope with the COVID-19 regulations imposed by WHO to curb spreading the novel coronavirus which has brought the world to a standstill.

This was revealed by the Primary and Secondary education Minister Cain Mathema who said their aim was to break classes into smaller groups and have 35 students per class:

We are employing 3 000 more teachers soon so that they will start working during the first term. Covid-19 regulations require that we break classes into smaller groups of not more than 35, and to do that we have to employ more teachers.

The President ordered that we should employ all qualified teachers. He said we cannot just be training teachers and not employing them. So with this recruitment we are implementing what was directed by the President,

Mathema also urged teachers to be vaccinated ahead of schools reopening in case they will be exposed to the virus at work:

It is a policy position and we will implement it, but we are not doing this alone. We are working with colleagues from the Ministry of Health and Child Care. We urge all teachers to be vaccinated. Experts have advised that it is safe and we encourage them to accept these vaccines.

However, it is important to note that the vaccinations are voluntary and those willing should take. No one is forced to be vaccinated but like I said experts have told us that we are better off getting vaccinated to be able to respond to this virus.

Schools will open first on 15 March for writing classes then for the rest of the students on 22 March 2021. Teachers have already said they might not report for duty due to incapacitation as they compel the government to pay them more.

By A Correspondent- Former 263 actor Anne Nhira has died.

Nhira reportedly died last night in South Africa according to her brother who told the publication that she succumbed to the injuries she sustained during a robbery this week on Monday.

Juan Nhira confirming her death said:

She sustained injuries on her chest area, rib cage and back during a robbery on Monday afternoon in Bedford view South Africa. She was only 38 years of age

Nhira is popular for portraying the character of Vimbai on the Zimbabwean Soapie Studio 263 before she left Zimbabwe for South Africa.

-statemedia

By Paul Nyathi | Zimbabwe is vaccinating an average 24 people per day a record low as nations such as Rwanda inoculate 50,000 every 24 hours.

This is according to the Zimbabwe Doctors For Human Rights’ Dr Norman Marara.

Dr Marara passed the comment in a brief tweet saying:

243 new vaccinations reported yesterday. That’s an average of 24 people being vaccinated per day per each province. 35 000 vaccinated in 3 weeks. The uptake is extremely low and worrying

Rwanda has vaccinated 200 000 people in 4 days!

Where are we getting it wrong?

FULL TEXT:THE ZIMBABWE AGENDA 2021 PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS

President Chamisa

Fellow Zimbabweans,

I come before you at a time when our nation and the rest of the world are facing a deep crisis due to the COVID19 pandemic.

To date, the world has lost 2.54 million people to the pandemic, with 114 million recorded cases of infection.

Our continent has lost over 100 000 lives and we in Zimbabwe have lost over 1400 people because of the pandemic.

The last few months have been particularly terrible for our communities. I commend our healthcare workers and all those at the frontline in this fight against the pandemic.

All of us have been affected by the pandemic, due to the lockdowns and associated rules which have been imposed as part of measures to curb the spread of the pandemic.

We are not alone in this fight. Virtually every nation has had to respond to a scourge that became an existential threat to humanity.

However, it has reminded all of us members of the human family of our shared vulnerabilities and the importance of enhancing our networks of cooperation and assistance in the face of a common enemy.

I commend the excellent work of everyone who has worked hard and invested much to find solutions to protect humanity from this pandemic.

In our context, Zimbabwe is weighed down by twin crises – the Covid-19 pandemic and a bad governance authoritarian pandemic.

Rising authoritarianism has rendered the State unstable and saddled with serious contradictions. Unstable oppressive regimes are dangerous to their own citizens.

The gross human rights violations against regional and international instruments must be seen within this context. But we must not lose hope. Storms make us stronger yet they never last forever.

My fellow Zimbabweans, I do not take it for granted that we are able to meet here today. Our families, communities and nation have been plummeted by multiple tragedies. I stand before you with grief.

It is hard to sleep at night, when I know that there are families that have lost their homes, their land, their livelihoods not because of a natural disaster, but as a result of cruel actions driven by greed, by a lack of empathy and a numbness to compassion.

My prayer is that we never lose our ability to feel for each other. The blows of Covid-19, corruption, a collapse in our Healthcare system demand that we answer to the call of action.

It is in this context that I present to you Zimbabwe agenda for 2021. However, before I do that, I must comment on how we fared in the past year.

We are Survivors
2020 was a difficult year, but we survived adverse forces that we deployed against us, itself strong testimony of the strength of the idea that we represent and the undying spirit of our people.

In 2020, we faced crises from two sources: The first was the crisis that I have already referred to, namely, the crisis of the COVID19 pandemic.

The second was the crisis of authoritarianism whereby the regime embarked on a relentless assault and onslaught upon democracy and our party.

This assault involved the use of state machinery to subvert democracy and the will of the people. The oppressors engineered the expulsion of our democratically elected representatives from Parliament and local authorities.

In their place, handpicked individuals, some of whom we defeated in the 2018 elections were foisted upon the people.

Our party headquarters was forcibly occupied, depriving us of our home. The regime also diverted our funding under the Political Parties (Finance) Act, giving it to its surrogates.

The purpose of all this was to punish our party for resisting the illegitimacy of the outcome of the 2018 elections, which lacked credibility and acceptability .

The oppressors believed by stripping us of our assets and entitlements under the law would dampen our spirits and break us down. This has not worked. It will never work. Zimbabwean people are politically literate and advanced .

They can distinguish between right and wrong. They know that some are being used by the oppressor as a scheme to derail the people’s struggle.

While other governments were working hard to contain the pandemic, the Oppressors in Zimbabwe saw it as an opportunity to restrict political rights. They suspended by-elections indefinitely under the guise of fighting the pandemic.

Therefore, while the Oppressors were allowing the removal of people’s representatives, they closed the channel for choosing their replacements.

This deprived the people of the opportunity to reclaim and correct the injustice by ending the criminal abuse of office and blatant theft. Despite all these attacks on our party, we refuse to be cast as victims.

Rather, we are survivors and winners, for when someone works so hard to destroy you and they fail, it is because you are a winner and you are strong.

We are invincible! We are indomitable and unconquerable.

We are grateful to you the citizens for continuing to believe in us, even as oppressors and terrorists have ganged up against the people and their project.

Consolidation Resilience and Resistance
In 2021, we will consolidate our position as the movement that represents the dreams and aspirations of all progressive Zimbabweans.

Oppressors have tried everything to decimate the us, but we have remained solid, and we are humbled by the fact that your trust and confidence in the us remains unshaken.

We do not regard those who have left as losses, but as an important shedding off of elements that impede and slow down the democratic struggle.

We have identified the strategy of the Oppressors is to create a controlled opposition, a government controlled opposition under their command politics. This will effectively establish a one-party state in all but name. We are back to the late 1980s when ZANU PF tried to push the one-party state agenda.

Now, Oppressors want to create a façade and charade, with a controlled opposition that obeys ZANU PF dictates and commands.

This is not only the year of consolidating citizen action but also the year of resisting the creation of controlled opposition and the march towards one-party state politics. It is the year of both consolidation of our party and resistance to the regime’s agenda of controlled opposition.

The oppressor can not reform. The oppressors have failed to reform and actually proven to be worse than their predecessor Mr Mugabe

The year 2021 will be marked with peaceful resistance and resilience. The language of the oppressed to resist the oppression.

We will peacefully resist and oppose evictions, demolitions and any violations of people’s freedom and citizens’ rights.

We will peacefully resist and oppose sustaining businesses and companies that oppress us the people.

We will peacefully resist and oppose institutions that oppress us the people

We will peacefully resist and oppose

We will peacefully resist and oppose all unconstitutional acts.

We will peacefully resist and oppose weaponization of law and the justice system.

We will peacefully resist and oppose the illegitimate, the Oppressors that rigged the election.

The people’s agenda is to maintain the fight for democracy and to overcome the obstacles that have been placed in our way. We will use 2021 to reconnect with the grassroots which remains the anchor of the party, to embark on a major recruitment drive, both at home and the Diaspora.

2021 is the year of CITIZENS CONVERGENCE FOR CHANGE
The Triple C Year�
Gore reSungano yevanhu yeShanduko�
Umnyaka wombuthano wabantu abalwela inguquko

CITIZENS. CONVERGENCE. CHANGE.

Our agenda for 2021 is to bring citizens together under A NEW CONSENSUS, A NEW CONVERGENCE, A NEW ALLIANCE a broad tent, to speak with one voice, act and win Zimbabwe for change.

Change will not come if we wait for some other person or some other time. You and I are the ones we’ve been waiting for. We are the change that we seek.
The theme of Agenda 2021 is informed by three key words, namely, Citizens, Convergence and Change (reforms). These three concepts are in turn informed first and foremost by the party’s strategic thrust to locate itself and its program of action with the people.

Secondly, the issue of convergence of citizens talks to the party’s strategy to initiate the formation of a broad alliance of citizen groups and democratic forces to confront the national question as a collective of forces in a manner that should result in CHANGE and REFORMS in the lives of Zimbabweans in particular and the governance of the country in general.

Thirdly, the theme is also informed by the desire of the party to assert its leadership role in the country as the main alternative voice of both reason and transformation.

Let me emphasize our thrust this year.

• Citizens – citizens are the lifeblood of all the work that we do. If I have learnt anything over the years, it is that political power lies in the people. I will never leave the people behind. In our programming, in our decision-making and in our messages – you, the people come first. The MDC Alliance is the people’s party. It is your party. It is my party. Together we must build it and strengthen it as a force for change. Do not get left behind. Join the movement. Get involved.
• Convergence – Unity, collective action and nonviolence are our rallying cry and the catalyst for change in our nation. The MDC Alliance will lead the formation of a broad church of citizen groups and democratic forces to confront the national question. When we demand accountability, speak with one voice and act collectively, we will become a formidable force for meaningful CHANGE in the lives of Zimbabweans.

• Change – Democratic and Transformational change lies at the core of who we are. Reforms and a People’s government are the substance of real change. Real change means taking what is broken and creating something new. We are the alternative voice and an alternative government for this great nation.

The party will through active citizen engagement and participation seek to achieve the complimentary goals of winning elections, attaining state power, and transforming the country.

• The 5 key areas of focus for 2021 are therefore as follows,
• THE PEOPLE AGENDA-

• THE CITIZENS NATIONAL AGENDA-

• THE REFORMS AGENDA-

• THE GOVERNMENT AGENDA

• THE GLOBAL AGENDA

1.THE PEOPLE AGENDA

Refocusing our fights as a means to mobilize and energize the base and reassert our leadership role as the alternative government. Building a mass based party through recruitment and mobilization. Mobilizing resources to strengthen the party as an institution and to execute the struggle to its logical end.

Agenda for Young People
Zimbabwe is a young nation in terms of population demographics. Nearly 70% of the population is under the age of 35, which is the maximum youth age under our Constitution. However, young people remain on the margins of political and economic spaces. We are not going to pretend that we know everything about the challenges that young people face in this country. We will also not assume that we know their needs and expectations. Instead, as a party that is built upon the values of consultative politics, we want to embark on a major consultative drive, to engage young people, both in the rural and urban areas, both young men and women.
Our agenda for young people is to construct policies that are informed by their needs and expectations; policies that come from them rather than imposed from the top by those purporting to know what they want.

It is time to recognize that our youth are not our future, they are our today. If we are to harness our full potential, we need to invest in this generation of leadership in Zimbabwe.

Young people, You are the face and force of this nation.Your voice counts. Your voice matters. Your role makes a difference.

We want to give space to you young people, to listen to you, and construct policies that respond to your needs.

One of our nation’s founding fathers, Dr. Joshua Nkomo once said young people will save Zimbabwe; that they would not allow it to die. He was a man of great wisdom. He would be proud to observe how young people are taking the lead to save this country from the depths of authoritarian rule.

Resource Mobilisation
Consolidating our party is built on the recognition of our core strengths and appreciation of points that require improvement. I have already stated how the regime has sought to suffocate us by depriving us of our hard-won income. The MDC Alliance was entitled to public funds under the Political Parties (Finance) Act. However, these funds have been unprocedurally and unlawfully diverted to another party that had no place on the ballot paper in 2018 and did not earn the right to those funds. We must therefore rely on our members and supporters to mobilize resources to fund their party. We are therefore going to embark on a major fund-raising drive. We are confident that citizens will respond positively to the call. The resource mobilization agenda will be implemented together with the massive recruitment agenda.

2.THE REFORM AGENDA

We need electoral and political reforms. We need a return to legitimacy and democracy (RELOAD).
Pushing the REFORMS ROADMAP and pursing the reform agenda through our zones of struggle; street (citizen mass action), elections, parliament, local government, diplomacy, courts, media and the state.

The agenda for political reforms has been on the table for many years. When the MDC was founded two decades ago, the agenda was to reform governance in Zimbabwe which was already in terminal decline. The transformation of governance and society remains at the core of the party’s agenda. However, history has shown that there are impediments to the party’s path to power, hence the need for political reforms to level the political playing field. It is important to have free, fair, and credible elections because they provide the basis for legitimacy.
We have seen that no matter how many elections are held if there is a legitimacy deficit, the country will remain stuck in the doldrums. We need Zimbabwe to return to legitimacy, openness and democracy. (RELOAD)

This is the reason why we continue to advocate for political reforms, chief of which are reforms to the electoral system. Indeed, this is the principal reason for our call for dialogue: it is not to find accommodation in this regime, but to play our part in designing an electoral path that would prevent the risks of illegitimacy that have dogged past elections.

Political reforms are not merely changing the rules of the game on paper. They must be realized in practice. In this regard, human rights abuses and selective application of the law must stop. There has been a spate of petty arrests and detentions of political activists, human rights defenders, and journalists in recent years, all of them based on frivolous grounds. This does not only damage the country’s standing in the community of nations, but it also increases insecurity among citizens.
• We re-assert Zimbabwe’s 5 big, most urgent fights:
• One: The fight for a People’s Constitution and Constitutionalism. This fight will focus on defending the preservation of the 2013 Constitution and demanding that it be implemented with all laws aligned to it with particular reference to such governing issues as devolution. We will strongly oppose Amendment No. 2 which seeks to entrench and reintroduce an Imperial Presidency and reverse the gains of the Constitutional referendum. We will demand of the executive a culture of respecting the constitution.

• Two: The fight for Livelihoods, dignity and better life. We will champion alternative policies and demands that address the needs and challenges of Zimbabweans, in particular the working people in various sectors such as the civil service, teachers, health workers, the private sector workforce, informal traders and vulnerable groups in both urban and rural areas. The success of this fight will be anchored on alternative economic policies. We will engage citizens to demand sound economic administration.

Distortions and contradictions in the economy must be eliminated. Zimbabwe must dollarize.

We will demand a decent wage and salaries for all the workers.
Our civil servants, men and women in uniform must be well remunerated.

The Economic Agenda
It is well-known that our economy is in the doldrums. This is a result of sheer incompetence and corruption which leads to misallocation and misappropriation of scarce resources.

The national cake is increasingly being privatized into the hands of a small cartel that is associated with the ZANU PF regime. Policy inconsistencies, human rights abuses, insecurity of private property rights all combine to dissuade investors to seriously consider Zimbabwe as a viable investment destination.

More significantly, we continue to hold the view that illegitimacy is a significant barrier to Zimbabwe’s economic progress. As long as the regime suffers a legitimacy deficit, the country will struggle to attract serious investors.

To make economic progress, we must resolve the political questions that have long affected the country’s perception of the family of nations. We must have political reforms that will facilitate legitimate electoral outcomes.

At a substantive level, the ballooning national debt remains a significant albatross on economic recovery. We have been in arrears regarding our external debt for nearly two decades making it extremely difficult to access credit and when we do, it is short-term and expensive. This is unsustainable. Our economic plan involves comprehensive measures to negotiate our way of these arrears.

However, as we have repeatedly said, our national case is made stronger when we resolve our political challenges. When we resolve that we will be in a better position to plead for better terms, even debt forgiveness to enable us to start afresh. As it is, under a regime that has shown kleptocratic tendencies, our creditors think any deal is akin to throwing money down a bottomless pit. We must reform politically and that what we intend to push for.

Still, on the economy, we want to push ahead with better policies for resource extraction, processing, and utilization. We are firm believers in the idea that local resources should benefit local communities. It is a sign of incompetence and unbridled greed of the elites that communities in places like Chiadzwa remain in abject poverty when they were blessed with diamonds.

These diamonds enriched political elites and their foreign allies. Our agenda is to ensure that natural resources yield dividends to the citizens of Zimbabwe. We will continue to resist the mortgaging of the country’s resources in return for odious debt.

• Three: The fight against Corruption. Corruption is killing us. The people have a right to a corruption-free and uncaptured State. Cartels must fall. The eviction of villagers for commercial cronyism must end. Elite state capture must be dismantled. The level of corruption in the country has reached alarming levels. The cancer now permeates the whole body politic – from the rotten pinnacle of the state going down to the lowest ranked employee in government and in the private sector.

The cancer of corruption has also now assumed another dimension, the dominance of toxic cartels. All key business engagements by the government are now monopolised by a cartel of a few individuals. This menace has milked the country and resulted in the downstream suffering of ordinary people. The capture of the state also involves the capture of other pillars of the state and agencies including the judiciary and Parliament.

They can never be an inclusive and shared growth in an environment where the state is captured by a few. This fight will therefore be focussed on exposing corruption in the country and demanding accountability from all.

• Four: A fight for Peoples’ Government and Reforms.
We need a new way of governing Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe needs new leaders. We need leaders not rulers.
Leadership is about values ethics and integrity. Zimbabwe won’t have its pulse rate without ethical leadership.

We need to restore the broken social contract. Consent must replace coercion. The authority to govern is derived from the people. The people of Zimbabwe and the international community do not believe that the government formed after the 2018 elections represents the will of the people as expressed during the 2018 elections.

It is evident that this political legitimacy deficit notwithstanding the legal legitimacy bestowed by the court has hindered the ability of the regime to govern effectively because there is no trust between the governed and the governors.

This has caused a massive performance legitimacy crisis and an insurmountable trust deficit. The trust deficit has in turn created a confidence crisis in an economy that is now shunned by both domestic and international investors.

This fight will therefore be focused on bringing to the fore the political legitimacy crisis which has led to a performance legitimacy gap manifest in a non-performing and non-delivering economy with the objective of soft landing the crisis through dialogue and a return to legitimacy.

At the heart of the resolution of the national question is the urgent need for the country to embark on and implement a raft of political reforms

. The country to date has failed in its re-engagement efforts with the international community because it has been paying lip service to the urgent need for political reforms.

The fight for political reforms will therefore be informed by the party’s policy document PRICE and contributions from alliance partners in the envisaged broad alliance through the exertion of both domestic and international pressure on the regime to reform.

• Five: People’s rights, freedoms, security of persons and rule of law. There has been a marked deterioration in the respect for people’s freedoms and rights and the respect for the rule of law. Democracy has been bludgeoned by the Oppressor’s corrupt, violent dictatorship.

Our fight for freedoms will focus on the deteriorating human rights situation which has seen the state using law-fare to persecute dissenting voices in the country including the leadership of the party.

The Diaspora
It is common knowledge that our country has experienced an exodus of large numbers of citizens over the last two decades forming a large Diaspora population. These citizens remain closely attached to their country.

They are dedicated members of our nation. Indeed, last year the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe reported that diaspora remittances were up 45% between January and September 2020. Diaspora remittances are a major source of foreign currency for Zimbabwe.

Therefore, although we lament the loss of skills, we are also benefitting from the remittances from our people.

It’s very good that our Constitution recognizes dual citizenship, something that we fought hard to have despite resistance from ZANU PF. However, the country still does not give enough respect to our fellow citizens.

The electoral system, for example, remains exclusionary meaning that these fellow citizens still cannot enjoy one of the fundamental rights: the right to vote. We will push the agenda for more inclusive policies for the

Diaspora, not only in political participation but also in economic participation beyond remittances. If we can have policies that are friendly to foreign investors, there is no reason why we cannot have targeted policies that promote investment by members of the Diaspora.

3.THE CITIZENS AGENDA- National agenda
Building a broad alliance of citizens for change domestically and internationally in pursuit of the resolution of the national question.

We must focus on Nation building and Breaking Barriers Initiative by reaching out to all stakeholders in search of a common national agenda.
A collective inclusive National Vision for Zimbabwe is a priority.
A New consensus ,A new convergence of all citizens is indeed urgent business.
We must come up with an Intergenerational consensus.
It is important to come up with an inclusive and non partisan conversation and convergence through a CITIZENS’ CONVENTION or CONFERENCE to define and design a Reform Roadmap and the Zimbabwe we desire.

4.GOVERNMENT AGENDA

We will have an alternative Cabinet. We will have a New Zimbabwe policy dialogue forums.
An annual policy conference shall be held.
We will have a legislative agenda and local government agenda.

As the alternative government, we are always in a state of readiness to take over and govern when the opportunity presents itself. Our party will continue to develop and update its readiness to govern.

We will also unveil our New Zimbabwe blueprint.

We will be rolling out New Zimbabwe policy dialogue programs. We will strengthen our alternative cabinet. Our SMART policies shall be revised and updated.

This is also an on-going agenda which we must demonstrate through performance in the formal theatres of power such as Parliament and local authorities.

A combination of the two pandemics – authoritarianism and COVID19 has impacted our activities on both platforms over the past year. The pandemic has led to the closure of these formal theatres, reducing their effectiveness.

However, in the case of local authorities, the problem is a system of government that results in the capture of local government by the central government. This is a structural problem that affects the efficacy of local authorities.

The Oppressors have no incentive to make changes that would free local government from the clutches of the central government. This explains why the fight for change at the central government level remains the foremost objective in the people’s struggle for change.

As part of our work regarding government, we are going to raise the level of resistance to the proposed changes to the Constitution, which are retrogressive. We have to ensure that the Constitution is respected and that its terms and values are implemented.

The attempt to change our young Constitution is retrogressive because it reverses the political reforms that were made in 2013 when it was adopted.

Oppressors want to change provisions that have not even been implemented. We are going to lead and resist Constitutional Amendment (No. 2) because it is unilateral, reactionary, counter-revolutionary and retrogressive.

5.THE GLOBAL AGENDA

2021 must and will be different because the steps we are going to take will define the future of this country. It cannot and will not be business as usual.

At all times, we will be guided by our vision – To dismantle autocracy and achieve democratic change by transforming Zimbabwe to a sustainable, just, prosperous, God fearing, ethical and democratic state.

We believe in both internationalism and Pan-Africanism. We are part of the family of nations. We believe that despite our differences, we have a shared common interest.

Indeed, our national interest is best served by working together and cooperating with other progressive nations.

We believe in a NEW AFRICA. As Africans, we recognize our shared history not just of subjugation but also of resistance and triumph against the odds to govern ourselves.

Nevertheless, despite heroic struggles against the colonial order, Africans continue to suffer from the twin challenges of authoritarian rule and a global governance system that still subordinates our nations.

New Africa Focus: we shall emphasize the vision for a New Africa. We shall be building strong networks with emerging young leaders on the continent centered on shared democratic values such as respect for human rights, free and fair elections ( guarding against electoral authoritarianism-elections without democracy)

We have upcoming elections in Zambia, South Africa, Congo, Ethiopia, Libya etc and Africa and the world must not endorse fraudulent elections, another area to focus on in the context of building a NEW AFRICA consensus is on transparent governance especially in the extractive sector in the context of illicit financial flows. The New Africa focus must breathe life into the African Continental Free Trade Area, Agenda 2063.

We support the struggle of African nations to be recognized as equal partners in all spheres and call upon our fellow brothers and sisters to support democratic growth and economic prosperity for all. We detest rigging of elections and dictatorship.

We reject efforts to entrench authoritarian regimes on the continent and to this end, we will forge solidarities with states and progressive movements that are advancing the democratic ideals that we identify with. For Zimbabwe to boost its prospects of recovery, it needs to be fully reintegrated into the family of nations.

This is not achieved by performing a window-dressing exercise or undertaking false reforms. Rather, it needs real and substantive ‘root and branch’ reforms that demonstrate a commitment to good governance, transparency, protection of human rights, rule of law and adherence to the norms that are generally accepted in progressive societies.

The Global Advocacy Campaign-We will mobilize the international community in support of the struggle for democracy in Zimbabwe in line with our RELOAD and with an Afro-centric focus ( targetting Regional Economic Committees – SADC, East African Community, ECOWAS, IGAD, African Union and individual countries)

International Solidarity: We must not expect to just receive solidarity but to provide solidarity to other pro-democracy struggles globally eg. Myamar, Hong- Kong etc.We should also work closely with our international partners through The Progressive Alliance and other such platforms to strengthen multilateralism, deal with climate change.

The hour calls for us to step outside of our comfort zones, to use whatever we have, to focus on rebuilding our nation. Driven by love, instead of self interest, community needs over private gain, we have the opportunity to join hands and do the work that needs to be done to stop this cycle of destruction. I believe that we have what it takes to join hands and build.

I believe that we have what it takes to save lives. Every time I look at my son, my heart breaks that we are losing mothers and babies because our health system has failed us. I believe that we are at the apex of our destinies to step into our callings and be the voices that embody justice. We cannot demand in others, what we do not practice ourselves.

If Zimbabwe is to rise from the ashes, we must reflect, reform and transform. It is time for us to clean up our government, our crisis in leadership and demand accountability.

I am appealing to all of Zimbabwe and friends of Zimbabwe, to join hands with us as we work to eradicate poverty; as we work to reform our institutions and as we work to save our democracy.

Zimbabwe will rise from the ashes. Zimbabwe will rise again. Zimbabwe will rise as we work together. I challenge you to look beyond our differences, so we can embrace the opportunity to build our nation together. We cannot do this without each of you.

In Conclusion

Finally, I call upon every Zimbabwean to come and join us as we rise above the challenges of our time.

We are all Zimbabweans
Come.
Come let us join hands
Come let us reason together to restore the lost dignity in our lives.

Let us work and walk together

Let us fight together to end this suffering and build a better Country, a different Zimbabwe.

Join us to make history
Let this year be the Year for Citizens Convergence for Change,

Gore resungano yevanhu yeshanduko,
Umunyaka wombuthano wabantu obatwela inguquko.

From Zambezi to Limpopo,

Building a Great Zimbabwe
Making Zimbabwe greater.

One people, One Vision, One Nation

Always for a Greater and Better Zimbabwe
Always for you.

Winning Zimbabwe for change! Change that delivers!

FULL TEXT:THE ZIMBABWE AGENDA 2021 PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS

President Chamisa

Fellow Zimbabweans,

I come before you at a time when our nation and the rest of the world are facing a deep crisis due to the COVID19 pandemic.

To date, the world has lost 2.54 million people to the pandemic, with 114 million recorded cases of infection.

Our continent has lost over 100 000 lives and we in Zimbabwe have lost over 1400 people because of the pandemic.

The last few months have been particularly terrible for our communities. I commend our healthcare workers and all those at the frontline in this fight against the pandemic.

All of us have been affected by the pandemic, due to the lockdowns and associated rules which have been imposed as part of measures to curb the spread of the pandemic.

We are not alone in this fight. Virtually every nation has had to respond to a scourge that became an existential threat to humanity.

However, it has reminded all of us members of the human family of our shared vulnerabilities and the importance of enhancing our networks of cooperation and assistance in the face of a common enemy.

I commend the excellent work of everyone who has worked hard and invested much to find solutions to protect humanity from this pandemic.

In our context, Zimbabwe is weighed down by twin crises – the Covid-19 pandemic and a bad governance authoritarian pandemic.

Rising authoritarianism has rendered the State unstable and saddled with serious contradictions. Unstable oppressive regimes are dangerous to their own citizens.

The gross human rights violations against regional and international instruments must be seen within this context. But we must not lose hope. Storms make us stronger yet they never last forever.

My fellow Zimbabweans, I do not take it for granted that we are able to meet here today. Our families, communities and nation have been plummeted by multiple tragedies. I stand before you with grief.

It is hard to sleep at night, when I know that there are families that have lost their homes, their land, their livelihoods not because of a natural disaster, but as a result of cruel actions driven by greed, by a lack of empathy and a numbness to compassion.

My prayer is that we never lose our ability to feel for each other. The blows of Covid-19, corruption, a collapse in our Healthcare system demand that we answer to the call of action.

It is in this context that I present to you Zimbabwe agenda for 2021. However, before I do that, I must comment on how we fared in the past year.

We are Survivors
2020 was a difficult year, but we survived adverse forces that we deployed against us, itself strong testimony of the strength of the idea that we represent and the undying spirit of our people.

In 2020, we faced crises from two sources: The first was the crisis that I have already referred to, namely, the crisis of the COVID19 pandemic.

The second was the crisis of authoritarianism whereby the regime embarked on a relentless assault and onslaught upon democracy and our party.

This assault involved the use of state machinery to subvert democracy and the will of the people. The oppressors engineered the expulsion of our democratically elected representatives from Parliament and local authorities.

In their place, handpicked individuals, some of whom we defeated in the 2018 elections were foisted upon the people.

Our party headquarters was forcibly occupied, depriving us of our home. The regime also diverted our funding under the Political Parties (Finance) Act, giving it to its surrogates.

The purpose of all this was to punish our party for resisting the illegitimacy of the outcome of the 2018 elections, which lacked credibility and acceptability .

The oppressors believed by stripping us of our assets and entitlements under the law would dampen our spirits and break us down. This has not worked. It will never work. Zimbabwean people are politically literate and advanced .

They can distinguish between right and wrong. They know that some are being used by the oppressor as a scheme to derail the people’s struggle.

While other governments were working hard to contain the pandemic, the Oppressors in Zimbabwe saw it as an opportunity to restrict political rights. They suspended by-elections indefinitely under the guise of fighting the pandemic.

Therefore, while the Oppressors were allowing the removal of people’s representatives, they closed the channel for choosing their replacements.

This deprived the people of the opportunity to reclaim and correct the injustice by ending the criminal abuse of office and blatant theft. Despite all these attacks on our party, we refuse to be cast as victims.

Rather, we are survivors and winners, for when someone works so hard to destroy you and they fail, it is because you are a winner and you are strong.

We are invincible! We are indomitable and unconquerable.

We are grateful to you the citizens for continuing to believe in us, even as oppressors and terrorists have ganged up against the people and their project.

Consolidation Resilience and Resistance
In 2021, we will consolidate our position as the movement that represents the dreams and aspirations of all progressive Zimbabweans.

Oppressors have tried everything to decimate the us, but we have remained solid, and we are humbled by the fact that your trust and confidence in the us remains unshaken.

We do not regard those who have left as losses, but as an important shedding off of elements that impede and slow down the democratic struggle.

We have identified the strategy of the Oppressors is to create a controlled opposition, a government controlled opposition under their command politics. This will effectively establish a one-party state in all but name. We are back to the late 1980s when ZANU PF tried to push the one-party state agenda.

Now, Oppressors want to create a façade and charade, with a controlled opposition that obeys ZANU PF dictates and commands.

This is not only the year of consolidating citizen action but also the year of resisting the creation of controlled opposition and the march towards one-party state politics. It is the year of both consolidation of our party and resistance to the regime’s agenda of controlled opposition.

The oppressor can not reform. The oppressors have failed to reform and actually proven to be worse than their predecessor Mr Mugabe

The year 2021 will be marked with peaceful resistance and resilience. The language of the oppressed to resist the oppression.

We will peacefully resist and oppose evictions, demolitions and any violations of people’s freedom and citizens’ rights.

We will peacefully resist and oppose sustaining businesses and companies that oppress us the people.

We will peacefully resist and oppose institutions that oppress us the people

We will peacefully resist and oppose

We will peacefully resist and oppose all unconstitutional acts.

We will peacefully resist and oppose weaponization of law and the justice system.

We will peacefully resist and oppose the illegitimate, the Oppressors that rigged the election.

The people’s agenda is to maintain the fight for democracy and to overcome the obstacles that have been placed in our way. We will use 2021 to reconnect with the grassroots which remains the anchor of the party, to embark on a major recruitment drive, both at home and the Diaspora.

2021 is the year of CITIZENS CONVERGENCE FOR CHANGE
The Triple C Year�
Gore reSungano yevanhu yeShanduko�
Umnyaka wombuthano wabantu abalwela inguquko

CITIZENS. CONVERGENCE. CHANGE.

Our agenda for 2021 is to bring citizens together under A NEW CONSENSUS, A NEW CONVERGENCE, A NEW ALLIANCE a broad tent, to speak with one voice, act and win Zimbabwe for change.

Change will not come if we wait for some other person or some other time. You and I are the ones we’ve been waiting for. We are the change that we seek.
The theme of Agenda 2021 is informed by three key words, namely, Citizens, Convergence and Change (reforms). These three concepts are in turn informed first and foremost by the party’s strategic thrust to locate itself and its program of action with the people.

Secondly, the issue of convergence of citizens talks to the party’s strategy to initiate the formation of a broad alliance of citizen groups and democratic forces to confront the national question as a collective of forces in a manner that should result in CHANGE and REFORMS in the lives of Zimbabweans in particular and the governance of the country in general.

Thirdly, the theme is also informed by the desire of the party to assert its leadership role in the country as the main alternative voice of both reason and transformation.

Let me emphasize our thrust this year.

• Citizens – citizens are the lifeblood of all the work that we do. If I have learnt anything over the years, it is that political power lies in the people. I will never leave the people behind. In our programming, in our decision-making and in our messages – you, the people come first. The MDC Alliance is the people’s party. It is your party. It is my party. Together we must build it and strengthen it as a force for change. Do not get left behind. Join the movement. Get involved.
• Convergence – Unity, collective action and nonviolence are our rallying cry and the catalyst for change in our nation. The MDC Alliance will lead the formation of a broad church of citizen groups and democratic forces to confront the national question. When we demand accountability, speak with one voice and act collectively, we will become a formidable force for meaningful CHANGE in the lives of Zimbabweans.

• Change – Democratic and Transformational change lies at the core of who we are. Reforms and a People’s government are the substance of real change. Real change means taking what is broken and creating something new. We are the alternative voice and an alternative government for this great nation.

The party will through active citizen engagement and participation seek to achieve the complimentary goals of winning elections, attaining state power, and transforming the country.

• The 5 key areas of focus for 2021 are therefore as follows,
• THE PEOPLE AGENDA-

• THE CITIZENS NATIONAL AGENDA-

• THE REFORMS AGENDA-

• THE GOVERNMENT AGENDA

• THE GLOBAL AGENDA

1.THE PEOPLE AGENDA

Refocusing our fights as a means to mobilize and energize the base and reassert our leadership role as the alternative government. Building a mass based party through recruitment and mobilization. Mobilizing resources to strengthen the party as an institution and to execute the struggle to its logical end.

Agenda for Young People
Zimbabwe is a young nation in terms of population demographics. Nearly 70% of the population is under the age of 35, which is the maximum youth age under our Constitution. However, young people remain on the margins of political and economic spaces. We are not going to pretend that we know everything about the challenges that young people face in this country. We will also not assume that we know their needs and expectations. Instead, as a party that is built upon the values of consultative politics, we want to embark on a major consultative drive, to engage young people, both in the rural and urban areas, both young men and women.
Our agenda for young people is to construct policies that are informed by their needs and expectations; policies that come from them rather than imposed from the top by those purporting to know what they want.

It is time to recognize that our youth are not our future, they are our today. If we are to harness our full potential, we need to invest in this generation of leadership in Zimbabwe.

Young people, You are the face and force of this nation.Your voice counts. Your voice matters. Your role makes a difference.

We want to give space to you young people, to listen to you, and construct policies that respond to your needs.

One of our nation’s founding fathers, Dr. Joshua Nkomo once said young people will save Zimbabwe; that they would not allow it to die. He was a man of great wisdom. He would be proud to observe how young people are taking the lead to save this country from the depths of authoritarian rule.

Resource Mobilisation
Consolidating our party is built on the recognition of our core strengths and appreciation of points that require improvement. I have already stated how the regime has sought to suffocate us by depriving us of our hard-won income. The MDC Alliance was entitled to public funds under the Political Parties (Finance) Act. However, these funds have been unprocedurally and unlawfully diverted to another party that had no place on the ballot paper in 2018 and did not earn the right to those funds. We must therefore rely on our members and supporters to mobilize resources to fund their party. We are therefore going to embark on a major fund-raising drive. We are confident that citizens will respond positively to the call. The resource mobilization agenda will be implemented together with the massive recruitment agenda.

2.THE REFORM AGENDA

We need electoral and political reforms. We need a return to legitimacy and democracy (RELOAD).
Pushing the REFORMS ROADMAP and pursing the reform agenda through our zones of struggle; street (citizen mass action), elections, parliament, local government, diplomacy, courts, media and the state.

The agenda for political reforms has been on the table for many years. When the MDC was founded two decades ago, the agenda was to reform governance in Zimbabwe which was already in terminal decline. The transformation of governance and society remains at the core of the party’s agenda. However, history has shown that there are impediments to the party’s path to power, hence the need for political reforms to level the political playing field. It is important to have free, fair, and credible elections because they provide the basis for legitimacy.
We have seen that no matter how many elections are held if there is a legitimacy deficit, the country will remain stuck in the doldrums. We need Zimbabwe to return to legitimacy, openness and democracy. (RELOAD)

This is the reason why we continue to advocate for political reforms, chief of which are reforms to the electoral system. Indeed, this is the principal reason for our call for dialogue: it is not to find accommodation in this regime, but to play our part in designing an electoral path that would prevent the risks of illegitimacy that have dogged past elections.

Political reforms are not merely changing the rules of the game on paper. They must be realized in practice. In this regard, human rights abuses and selective application of the law must stop. There has been a spate of petty arrests and detentions of political activists, human rights defenders, and journalists in recent years, all of them based on frivolous grounds. This does not only damage the country’s standing in the community of nations, but it also increases insecurity among citizens.
• We re-assert Zimbabwe’s 5 big, most urgent fights:
• One: The fight for a People’s Constitution and Constitutionalism. This fight will focus on defending the preservation of the 2013 Constitution and demanding that it be implemented with all laws aligned to it with particular reference to such governing issues as devolution. We will strongly oppose Amendment No. 2 which seeks to entrench and reintroduce an Imperial Presidency and reverse the gains of the Constitutional referendum. We will demand of the executive a culture of respecting the constitution.

• Two: The fight for Livelihoods, dignity and better life. We will champion alternative policies and demands that address the needs and challenges of Zimbabweans, in particular the working people in various sectors such as the civil service, teachers, health workers, the private sector workforce, informal traders and vulnerable groups in both urban and rural areas. The success of this fight will be anchored on alternative economic policies. We will engage citizens to demand sound economic administration.

Distortions and contradictions in the economy must be eliminated. Zimbabwe must dollarize.

We will demand a decent wage and salaries for all the workers.
Our civil servants, men and women in uniform must be well remunerated.

The Economic Agenda
It is well-known that our economy is in the doldrums. This is a result of sheer incompetence and corruption which leads to misallocation and misappropriation of scarce resources.

The national cake is increasingly being privatized into the hands of a small cartel that is associated with the ZANU PF regime. Policy inconsistencies, human rights abuses, insecurity of private property rights all combine to dissuade investors to seriously consider Zimbabwe as a viable investment destination.

More significantly, we continue to hold the view that illegitimacy is a significant barrier to Zimbabwe’s economic progress. As long as the regime suffers a legitimacy deficit, the country will struggle to attract serious investors.

To make economic progress, we must resolve the political questions that have long affected the country’s perception of the family of nations. We must have political reforms that will facilitate legitimate electoral outcomes.

At a substantive level, the ballooning national debt remains a significant albatross on economic recovery. We have been in arrears regarding our external debt for nearly two decades making it extremely difficult to access credit and when we do, it is short-term and expensive. This is unsustainable. Our economic plan involves comprehensive measures to negotiate our way of these arrears.

However, as we have repeatedly said, our national case is made stronger when we resolve our political challenges. When we resolve that we will be in a better position to plead for better terms, even debt forgiveness to enable us to start afresh. As it is, under a regime that has shown kleptocratic tendencies, our creditors think any deal is akin to throwing money down a bottomless pit. We must reform politically and that what we intend to push for.

Still, on the economy, we want to push ahead with better policies for resource extraction, processing, and utilization. We are firm believers in the idea that local resources should benefit local communities. It is a sign of incompetence and unbridled greed of the elites that communities in places like Chiadzwa remain in abject poverty when they were blessed with diamonds.

These diamonds enriched political elites and their foreign allies. Our agenda is to ensure that natural resources yield dividends to the citizens of Zimbabwe. We will continue to resist the mortgaging of the country’s resources in return for odious debt.

• Three: The fight against Corruption. Corruption is killing us. The people have a right to a corruption-free and uncaptured State. Cartels must fall. The eviction of villagers for commercial cronyism must end. Elite state capture must be dismantled. The level of corruption in the country has reached alarming levels. The cancer now permeates the whole body politic – from the rotten pinnacle of the state going down to the lowest ranked employee in government and in the private sector.

The cancer of corruption has also now assumed another dimension, the dominance of toxic cartels. All key business engagements by the government are now monopolised by a cartel of a few individuals. This menace has milked the country and resulted in the downstream suffering of ordinary people. The capture of the state also involves the capture of other pillars of the state and agencies including the judiciary and Parliament.

They can never be an inclusive and shared growth in an environment where the state is captured by a few. This fight will therefore be focussed on exposing corruption in the country and demanding accountability from all.

• Four: A fight for Peoples’ Government and Reforms.
We need a new way of governing Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe needs new leaders. We need leaders not rulers.
Leadership is about values ethics and integrity. Zimbabwe won’t have its pulse rate without ethical leadership.

We need to restore the broken social contract. Consent must replace coercion. The authority to govern is derived from the people. The people of Zimbabwe and the international community do not believe that the government formed after the 2018 elections represents the will of the people as expressed during the 2018 elections.

It is evident that this political legitimacy deficit notwithstanding the legal legitimacy bestowed by the court has hindered the ability of the regime to govern effectively because there is no trust between the governed and the governors.

This has caused a massive performance legitimacy crisis and an insurmountable trust deficit. The trust deficit has in turn created a confidence crisis in an economy that is now shunned by both domestic and international investors.

This fight will therefore be focused on bringing to the fore the political legitimacy crisis which has led to a performance legitimacy gap manifest in a non-performing and non-delivering economy with the objective of soft landing the crisis through dialogue and a return to legitimacy.

At the heart of the resolution of the national question is the urgent need for the country to embark on and implement a raft of political reforms

. The country to date has failed in its re-engagement efforts with the international community because it has been paying lip service to the urgent need for political reforms.

The fight for political reforms will therefore be informed by the party’s policy document PRICE and contributions from alliance partners in the envisaged broad alliance through the exertion of both domestic and international pressure on the regime to reform.

• Five: People’s rights, freedoms, security of persons and rule of law. There has been a marked deterioration in the respect for people’s freedoms and rights and the respect for the rule of law. Democracy has been bludgeoned by the Oppressor’s corrupt, violent dictatorship.

Our fight for freedoms will focus on the deteriorating human rights situation which has seen the state using law-fare to persecute dissenting voices in the country including the leadership of the party.

The Diaspora
It is common knowledge that our country has experienced an exodus of large numbers of citizens over the last two decades forming a large Diaspora population. These citizens remain closely attached to their country.

They are dedicated members of our nation. Indeed, last year the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe reported that diaspora remittances were up 45% between January and September 2020. Diaspora remittances are a major source of foreign currency for Zimbabwe.

Therefore, although we lament the loss of skills, we are also benefitting from the remittances from our people.

It’s very good that our Constitution recognizes dual citizenship, something that we fought hard to have despite resistance from ZANU PF. However, the country still does not give enough respect to our fellow citizens.

The electoral system, for example, remains exclusionary meaning that these fellow citizens still cannot enjoy one of the fundamental rights: the right to vote. We will push the agenda for more inclusive policies for the

Diaspora, not only in political participation but also in economic participation beyond remittances. If we can have policies that are friendly to foreign investors, there is no reason why we cannot have targeted policies that promote investment by members of the Diaspora.

3.THE CITIZENS AGENDA- National agenda
Building a broad alliance of citizens for change domestically and internationally in pursuit of the resolution of the national question.

We must focus on Nation building and Breaking Barriers Initiative by reaching out to all stakeholders in search of a common national agenda.
A collective inclusive National Vision for Zimbabwe is a priority.
A New consensus ,A new convergence of all citizens is indeed urgent business.
We must come up with an Intergenerational consensus.
It is important to come up with an inclusive and non partisan conversation and convergence through a CITIZENS’ CONVENTION or CONFERENCE to define and design a Reform Roadmap and the Zimbabwe we desire.

4.GOVERNMENT AGENDA

We will have an alternative Cabinet. We will have a New Zimbabwe policy dialogue forums.
An annual policy conference shall be held.
We will have a legislative agenda and local government agenda.

As the alternative government, we are always in a state of readiness to take over and govern when the opportunity presents itself. Our party will continue to develop and update its readiness to govern.

We will also unveil our New Zimbabwe blueprint.

We will be rolling out New Zimbabwe policy dialogue programs. We will strengthen our alternative cabinet. Our SMART policies shall be revised and updated.

This is also an on-going agenda which we must demonstrate through performance in the formal theatres of power such as Parliament and local authorities.

A combination of the two pandemics – authoritarianism and COVID19 has impacted our activities on both platforms over the past year. The pandemic has led to the closure of these formal theatres, reducing their effectiveness.

However, in the case of local authorities, the problem is a system of government that results in the capture of local government by the central government. This is a structural problem that affects the efficacy of local authorities.

The Oppressors have no incentive to make changes that would free local government from the clutches of the central government. This explains why the fight for change at the central government level remains the foremost objective in the people’s struggle for change.

As part of our work regarding government, we are going to raise the level of resistance to the proposed changes to the Constitution, which are retrogressive. We have to ensure that the Constitution is respected and that its terms and values are implemented.

The attempt to change our young Constitution is retrogressive because it reverses the political reforms that were made in 2013 when it was adopted.

Oppressors want to change provisions that have not even been implemented. We are going to lead and resist Constitutional Amendment (No. 2) because it is unilateral, reactionary, counter-revolutionary and retrogressive.

5.THE GLOBAL AGENDA

2021 must and will be different because the steps we are going to take will define the future of this country. It cannot and will not be business as usual.

At all times, we will be guided by our vision – To dismantle autocracy and achieve democratic change by transforming Zimbabwe to a sustainable, just, prosperous, God fearing, ethical and democratic state.

We believe in both internationalism and Pan-Africanism. We are part of the family of nations. We believe that despite our differences, we have a shared common interest.

Indeed, our national interest is best served by working together and cooperating with other progressive nations.

We believe in a NEW AFRICA. As Africans, we recognize our shared history not just of subjugation but also of resistance and triumph against the odds to govern ourselves.

Nevertheless, despite heroic struggles against the colonial order, Africans continue to suffer from the twin challenges of authoritarian rule and a global governance system that still subordinates our nations.

New Africa Focus: we shall emphasize the vision for a New Africa. We shall be building strong networks with emerging young leaders on the continent centered on shared democratic values such as respect for human rights, free and fair elections ( guarding against electoral authoritarianism-elections without democracy)

We have upcoming elections in Zambia, South Africa, Congo, Ethiopia, Libya etc and Africa and the world must not endorse fraudulent elections, another area to focus on in the context of building a NEW AFRICA consensus is on transparent governance especially in the extractive sector in the context of illicit financial flows. The New Africa focus must breathe life into the African Continental Free Trade Area, Agenda 2063.

We support the struggle of African nations to be recognized as equal partners in all spheres and call upon our fellow brothers and sisters to support democratic growth and economic prosperity for all. We detest rigging of elections and dictatorship.

We reject efforts to entrench authoritarian regimes on the continent and to this end, we will forge solidarities with states and progressive movements that are advancing the democratic ideals that we identify with. For Zimbabwe to boost its prospects of recovery, it needs to be fully reintegrated into the family of nations.

This is not achieved by performing a window-dressing exercise or undertaking false reforms. Rather, it needs real and substantive ‘root and branch’ reforms that demonstrate a commitment to good governance, transparency, protection of human rights, rule of law and adherence to the norms that are generally accepted in progressive societies.

The Global Advocacy Campaign-We will mobilize the international community in support of the struggle for democracy in Zimbabwe in line with our RELOAD and with an Afro-centric focus ( targetting Regional Economic Committees – SADC, East African Community, ECOWAS, IGAD, African Union and individual countries)

International Solidarity: We must not expect to just receive solidarity but to provide solidarity to other pro-democracy struggles globally eg. Myamar, Hong- Kong etc.We should also work closely with our international partners through The Progressive Alliance and other such platforms to strengthen multilateralism, deal with climate change.

The hour calls for us to step outside of our comfort zones, to use whatever we have, to focus on rebuilding our nation. Driven by love, instead of self interest, community needs over private gain, we have the opportunity to join hands and do the work that needs to be done to stop this cycle of destruction. I believe that we have what it takes to join hands and build.

I believe that we have what it takes to save lives. Every time I look at my son, my heart breaks that we are losing mothers and babies because our health system has failed us. I believe that we are at the apex of our destinies to step into our callings and be the voices that embody justice. We cannot demand in others, what we do not practice ourselves.

If Zimbabwe is to rise from the ashes, we must reflect, reform and transform. It is time for us to clean up our government, our crisis in leadership and demand accountability.

I am appealing to all of Zimbabwe and friends of Zimbabwe, to join hands with us as we work to eradicate poverty; as we work to reform our institutions and as we work to save our democracy.

Zimbabwe will rise from the ashes. Zimbabwe will rise again. Zimbabwe will rise as we work together. I challenge you to look beyond our differences, so we can embrace the opportunity to build our nation together. We cannot do this without each of you.

In Conclusion

Finally, I call upon every Zimbabwean to come and join us as we rise above the challenges of our time.

We are all Zimbabweans
Come.
Come let us join hands
Come let us reason together to restore the lost dignity in our lives.

Let us work and walk together

Let us fight together to end this suffering and build a better Country, a different Zimbabwe.

Join us to make history
Let this year be the Year for Citizens Convergence for Change,

Gore resungano yevanhu yeshanduko,
Umunyaka wombuthano wabantu obatwela inguquko.

From Zambezi to Limpopo,

Building a Great Zimbabwe
Making Zimbabwe greater.

One people, One Vision, One Nation

Always for a Greater and Better Zimbabwe
Always for you.

Winning Zimbabwe for change! Change that delivers!

A legal expert reveals Mr Emmerson Mnangagwa cna be removed once found guilty of violating the constitution. Below is the rendition.

By Munya Gwisai I A major public controversy has erupted over the recent resignation of Vice President Kembo Mohadi over sexual impropriety scandals and President Mnangagwa not giving a public notice of the resignation within 24 hours per s 96 (2) of the Constitution. Prof J Moyo and Dr A Magaisa argued that failure to give the public notice by the President is a violation of s 96 (2). Prof. L Madhuku disagreed strongly arguing that s 96 (2) applies only to elected vice -presidents and not un-elected ones like Mohadi. 

The debate was ignited by a tweet by Jamwanda, presumably presidential spokesman G Charamba, that Mohadi had resigned a week earlier than 1 March 2021 when he publicly disclosed the resignation. Mnangagwa acknowledged the resignation to a Zanu PF Politburo meeting of 3 March 2021. To date the President has not given an official “public notice of the resignation.” The issue thus remains a live one.   

This is not an idle academic debate. The consequences of violation of the Constitution by a President are serious and may lead to removal from office.   

The Arguments  

By virtue of s 14 of the 6^th Schedule to the Constitution, Vice – Presidents, in the first ten years after commencement of the 2013 Constitution, are appointed by the elected President instead of being elected as running mates of presidential candidates.  Further, s 96 (2) provides that a “Vice-President may resign … by written notice to the President, who must give public notice of the resignation as soon as it is possible to do so and in any event within twenty-four hours.” [emphasis added]. 

Prof Madhuku argued that although s 96 (2) does not expressly distinguish between elected and unelected vice-presidents, it still does not apply to the later, by way of what he called the “by necessary implication” doctrine. The later provides for implied provisions in a Constitution besides the written text. These may not be visible to the naked eye of ordinary people but to “an inner legal eye” of trained constitutional law experts. He gives examples of such provisions including on misconduct [s 97]. The purpose of the 24 hours rule is to ensure that a president and vice who resign advise the electorate who elected them. This is not necessary for appointed vice-presidents because they are not elected.    

Prof J Moyo and Dr A Magaisa disagreed. Firstly arguing that s 96 (2) must be given its ordinary meaning per the Literal Rule of interpretation, which means it applies to both types of Vice-presidents because the section is clear and admits of no ambiguity. That Madhuku’s “by necessary implication” doctrine is not founded on the Constitution. In any case there is no need to invoke such a vague and elitist tool to discern provisions that apply to an elected Vice-President and an unelected one because the Constitution itself provides a clear mechanism for this. This is under the 6th Schedule providing that in any cases of any inconsistence the Schedule prevails over all other provisions of the Constitution. [s 2, Sch].  On the purpose of the 24 Hours Rule, Moyo argued that this was mainly to ensure orderly succession. Magaisa, that it was because of the significance of the office of presidency and to ensure good governance and transparency per the Founding Values and Principles of the Constitution.     

 Which arguments are most convincing? 

Two main things need to be assessed. The appropriate interpretation model. And substantively, the purpose behind s 96 (2). On face value, Madhuku’s “by necessary implication” argument potentially up-ends established cannons of interpretation.  And opening a door for judicially created implied provisions of a Constitution that shield authoritarianism and elites. The 2013 Constitution is deliberately crafted in a simple style to make it accessible to the people, from whom the authority to govern is derived. [s 3 (2) (f)]. This makes the Literal Rule the preferred and initial tool of interpretation in discerning the drafters’ true intentions. The “starting point in the interpretation of statutes is that words are to be given their ordinary meaning (unless) that meaning leads to some result which cannot reasonably be supposed to have been the intention of the legislature.”  A contrary approach would be a license for judges to usurp the authority of the legislature and make law under the guise of purposive interpretation.  

However, on closer scrutiny, Madhuku does not go that far. He is asserting, albeit in a rather robust manner, an accepted approach to interpretation, the Will Theory or Purposive Rule of Interpretation. That is, the “interpreter must endeavour to infer the design or purpose which lies behind the legislation … … words should only be given their ordinary grammatical meaning if such a meaning is compatible with their complete context.” This is especially so where absurd results arise or multiple meanings exist.  

Madhuku’s necessary implication factors are broadly similar to those specified in the Interpretation Act [s 15B]. Similarly s 46 (1) (2) of the Constitution endorses the purposive approach to protect the underlying values and enshrined rights of the Constitution. Nothing really turns on s 2 of the 6^th Schedule that Magaisa invokes against Madhuku as the section is permissible of both the Literal Rule approach as well as the Purposive Rule approach.  

Eventually in rebuttal, both Magaisa and Moyo are forced to lock horns with Madhuku on the substantive issue that really matters in this dispute, the true purpose of s 96 (2). This, l submit, because Madhuku adequately demonstrated sufficient ambiguities and potential multi-meanings of s 96 (2), especially with reference to the 6^th Schedule and Part 2 of CAP 5 pertaining to elected vice-presidents and appointed ones. Such as on succession, acting capacity, remuneration or removal from office.     

What is the true purpose of s 96 (2)? 

The purposes given by the two sides are all legitimate but unequal. Madhuku conceded that his “inner legal eye” can lead to different conclusions from different experts. The real question is which conclusion is most convincing and what criterion one uses to rank them. Making consideration for inherent subjective bias, it is still possible to rank the different conclusions on a platform of relative objectivity centered on the letter and spirit of the Constitution itself.  

On that basis I submit that Madhuku’s conclusion is the least convincing if regard is had to the logic, scheme, history and values of the Constitution. He goes for the lowest common denominator whose effect is to shield authoritarianism.  He restricted himself to his one identified purpose and failed to identify possible potential others and do a comparative analysis distinguishing them from his. A related weakness is the elitist approach underlying it, restricting the “inner legal eye” agent to expert lawyers.      

If the touchstone is assumption of office by election, as Madhuku argued, then the 24 Hours rule should equally apply to other elected public officials, but it does not, notably, elected members of the National Assembly or councilors. Nor does he justify why national elections should be treated separately.   

At the heart of the weakness of Madhuku’s argument is his failure to contexualise s 96 (2) to the underlying values and principles of the Constitution and the interpretation model it compels. The still all- powerful Presidency under the 2013 Constitution, including the Vice Presidents, is the public office that most directly and immediately impacts on both national security and core values of the Constitution set out in the Preamble and s 3. These include “resistance to all forms of domination and oppression…democracy, good, transparent and accountable governance and rule of law, separation of powers”, free and fair elections and respect for the people of Zimbabwe “from whom the authority to govern is derived.”  The above values, principles and constitutional set up manifest the Social Contrast Theory of the State most eminently propounded by 18^th century British philosopher John Locke.  

The new constitution, despite spirited resistance, still retained an extremely powerful President who straddles the three pillars of state power, namely executive, legislative and judicial authority. The gigantic executive powers include being Head of State and Government, Commander -in-Chief of the Defence Forces, power to declare war and make peace and to declare a State of Emergency. The President is also a legislative authority as the “Legislature of Zimbabwe consists of Parliament and the President.” The President can dissolve Parliament. The President is also a judicial authority with power to appoint and dismiss judges. In criminal matters the President is the de facto final appellate authority above the formal courts by virtue of the President’ extensive power of mercy.  

The drafters of the 2013 Constitution would have been aware of this delicate adherence of their constitution to the proclaimed high principles of democracy, rule of law and separation of powers. Hence they provided a battery of principles and checks and balances to mitigate the enormous powers of the Presidency. As well as an appropriate interpretation model to deal with future contingencies or ambiguities. Without these the office of the presidency under the 2013 Constitution cannot pass the rule of law /separation of powers test and would be indistinguishable from the Executive Presidency under the old constitution. Or the absolute monarchies in pre-colonial indigenous African constitutional law such as the Inkosi of the Ndebele State, the Mambo of the Rozvi Empire and the Changamire of the Mutapa State. Or in Roman constitutional law, the Rex of the Roman Monarchy.   

Indeed and ironically, a major reason the old NCA led by Prof Madhuku and the Democratic United Front [DUF] including the International Socialist Organisation, campaigned for a Vote No in the 2013 Referendum was because we felt that the checks and balances on the Presidency did not go far enough.  

The first critical check and balance is the applicable constitutional interpretation model. To ensure realization of core underlying values, the drafters created an interpretation straightjacket. An  interpretation model that compels giving full effect to enshrined rights and freedoms, “promote the values and principles that underlie a democratic society … in particular, the values and principles set out in section 3.”   [s 46 (1)]. And oblige the superior courts to develop common law or customary law taking into account the provisions of the Constitution. [s 176]. 

The above is critical in situations of ambiguity, vagueness or multiple meanings. The interpreter does not have a blank cheque but must be guided by this interpretation model. Interpretations that give full effect to these values and principles must be preferred over those that do not.  

It is the above that must be used in interpreting s 96 (2).  Firstly, the premises of Madhuku’s argument that it is the manner of assumption of office, namely elections, that creates the need for the 24 Hours rule is a fair but inadequate start. It needed further contexualisation in relation to the Constitution’s underlying core values. One of these is that “the authority to govern is derived” from “the people of Zimbabwe”, expressed through “free, fair and regular elections.” The Presidency are the only public offices that are directly elected by the people nationally. They represent the highest manifestation of the people’s will. This includes the Vice Presidency, as the Constitution treats them together in one part. The Vice Presidents are the President’s direct assistants and automatically assume the latter’s office in case of temporary incapacitation and succession in case of permanent incapacitation, death, removal or resignation. Thus prima facie, Madhuku is correct in pointing out the significance of elections.  

But the matter is deeper than that, especially when it comes to transitional provisions. The form here, that is the assumption of office by election, is acting primarily as a facilitation tool. In a democratic society, elections by a national electorate, are the only acceptable keys to legitimately assessing offices with such overwhelming powers. The primary thing though being the overbearing powers that inhere in those offices. Powers with direct and immediate impact on the society’s core democratic values and national security. As pointed out by Adv. T Mpofu, the position of the unelected Vice – President is a temporary one, brought in by way of transitional provisions to facilitate the movement form the old to the new. In assessing the nature of the legal character of this transitional office, one applies an established legal principle, substance takes precedence over form. In relation to s 96 (2) the main substantive consideration, by virtue of the core values of democracy and rule of law, is whether appointed Vice – Presidents exercise the same powers as the elected ones. If they do, both common sense and the imperatives of the above core values dictate that they be placed under the same strictures and checks and balances that govern elected Vice – Presidents.  The contrary would only apply if there are express provisions prohibiting this, such as the power of President to unilaterally dismiss an appointed Vice President, but which cannot be done to an elected Vice President.     

The onerous 24 Hours Rule is an example of a constitutional checks and balances mechanism. The stringency of the 24 Hours public notice speaks to the special nature and powers of the office of the presidency. A lacuna or gap cannot be allowed to occur in the vacancy or public knowledge of such a critical, all-encompassing office. It can lead to subversion of state security. In the Rozvi and Mutapa states the death of the Mambo or Changamire was announced several days after the burial and the successor already confirmed to avoid disruptive power struggles.  Another good example is from the Ndebele State. Following the prolonged absence of Inkosi uMzilikazi the indunas (chiefs) installed his son, Nkulumane, as successor, only for Mzilikazi to reappear later. All the Indunas were executed, reportedly thrown off steep hill slopes at Ntabazinduna. (Hill of Chiefs). The nature of the offices of the presidency dictates that there be no lacuna in this public office even for the shortest period. The 24 hours notice requirement ensures immediate public knowledge of any such event and must apply to whoever wields the substantive powers of the office, elected or appointed, as argued by Moyo.       

The above applies because the Constitution does not differentiate on the powers of the two. The imposition of the 24-Hour Rule on the appointed Vice-President thus promotes good, accountable governance as demanded by s 3 and the Preamble per Magaisa. It promotes orderly succession as argued by Moyo. Whereas Madhuku’s formulation potentially creates chaos, confusion and threats to national security from power struggles. Say an unelected vice president resigns but the President does not give the public notice and immediately thereafter the President dies or is incapacitated. If the vice president turned around and sought succession it would be difficult to prove their resignation if only the President had knowledge of the resignation. The 24 Hours rule forestalls this by ensuring immediate notice to the public.  Madhuku’s formulation leads to another absurd result, which violates principles of good governance, in that it denies Parliament power to remove an appointed Vice- President for misconduct or incapacity under s 97 but it can for a President and elected Vice-President.   

From the above it is clear that the most convincing interpretation of s 96 (2) is the one which promotes the principles that underlie a democratic society, that being Magaisa and Moyo’ interpretation that s 96 (2) applies to both elected and appointed vice-presidents. Consequently, President Mnangagwa has violated the Constitution by his ongoing failure to give public notice of the resignation.     

Inherent biases in legal interpretation  

The above is demonstrative of the process of law interpretation. Interpretation involves both a technical aspect requiring a degree of expertise but there is also a subjective aspect in which the hidden prejudices of the interpreter, predominantly personal, social, gender, racial and class, play a major role. American Realist scholars call these hidden prejudices “major inarticulate premises.”  Marxist scholars assert that in critical or grave cases, judges and scholars ultimately represent and defend the interests of the dominant economic and political elites of a given society.  They are not truly independent. 

 Thus in assessing why Prof Madhuku made and rigorously defends the choice that he made, one must consider the interests of the political and economic class elites that he identifies with. Whereas prior to 2013 he was a leading and militant opponent of the Mugabe dictatorship in his roles as NCA chairperson and principal legal advisor to Morgan Tsvangirai and ZCTU, he has since changed. Today he is a leading member of POLAD, which brings together the small parties with the ruling party. The former recognize the Mnangagwa presidency and seek to achieve political and electoral reform including free and fair elections through social dialogue and collaboration with the authoritarian Zanu PF state.  

This, unlike the main opposition, MDC Alliance which rejects the legitimacy of the Mnangagwa presidency and POLAD. Whilst the state is carrying out a ruthless repression offensive against MDC A it rewards the POLAD small parties that collaborate with it like MDC T and NCA. Thus Madhuku was appointed to the 2018 Motlanthe Commission on the August 2018 killings after the 2018 elections, despite that he was an opposing candidate. He has become the go-to legal analyst for state media like ZBC, something which did not happen prior to 2013. In terms of class, the social base of the Mnangagwa regime is the nationalist black junior wing of the capitalist ruling class that has most benefitted from the land reform and is using the State as a platform for primitive accumulation and neoliberal attacks against workers, peasants and the poor. An elitist constitutional interpretation model such as Madhuku’s “inner legal eye” well serves this ruthless class. Thus in his interpretation of s 96 (2) it is not surprising that Madhuku has chosen the option that advances the most, the interests of the political and economic class elites that he is collaboration with, even if this may be the least convincing.   

The same applies to Madhuku’s antagonists. Prof Moyo was the leading ideologue of the Zanu PF faction that was vanquished in the Mugabe succession power struggles leading to the November 2017 coup and supported Chamisa in the 2018 elections. Dr Magaisa was legal advisor to Prime Minister Tsvangirai and is a leading public intellectual supporter of MDC Alliance. Adv Mpofu, “the people’s advocate”, is Chamisa’ chief legal advisor. Their choices are therefore similarly influenced including the strident defense of a literal approach to s 96 (2) despite Madhuku’s reasonable submissions to the contrary.   

However, even within the realm of inevitable subjectivity that interpretation of laws must involve, there must still be some degree of adherence to relative objectivity based on the letter and spirit of the Constitution and laws. If scholars or judges give too much reign to their subjective class and political prejudices, straying too far from public notions of fairness, justice and rule of law, they risk, as argued by eminent American legal scholar, Roscoe Pound, to be eviscerated by the court of public opinion. This is dangerous, for as the Constitution provides; “Judicial authority derives from the people of Zimbabwe.” [s 162]. The judiciary today, arguably, stands dangerously close to the precipice following a recent series of such decisions. These include the Zuva Petroleum case restoring the common law Notice Rule of dismissal leading to the job genocide of thousands; the Sibanda case that held the military inspired  November 2017 ouster of Mugabe was not a coup, and the Mashavira decision that resuscitated, like Lazarus, T Khupe’s comatose MDC T, creating the legal basis for Mnangagwa’s ongoing war to destroy MDC A. The dangerous loss of respect is reflected in the colloquial dismissal of the judiciary as “captured courts.”  The same applies to the organic intellectuals of the ruling class, as shown in the growing public disdain of Prof Madhuku despite him being arguably the country’s most eminent legal scholar.  

Conclusion: Opposition must ensure President Mnangagwa faces the Consequences 

There is thus a very strong basis for holding that President Mnangagwa violated the law by his ongoing failure to give a formal public notice of VP Mohadi’s resignation. But so what?  This is a serious matter.  

The Constitution provides only for a political remedy through Parliament. There is no recourse to the courts. The process is set out in s 97. This provides for removal of the President if found guilty of willful violation of, or failure to obey, uphold or defend the Constitution. The process is triggered by a motion for a joint resolution of Parliament to investigate the President. (impeachment). If at least one-half of the total membership of Parliament pass the resolution, a 9-member joint committee of Senate and the National must be set to do the investigation. The committee “must reflect the political composition of Parliament”, which means it must include the opposition. The President will be removed if found guilty by the Committee and approved by a joint resolution of a two-thirds majority of Parliament.   

It is obvious that ruling party legislators will not initiate such process. And that their two thirds majority in Parliament will likely kill the process at the first stage.  But it makes political and strategic sense for the bourgeois opposition to still initiate the process. In the same way Democrats in the US Congress initiated the  Trump impeachment even if they did not have the constitutional threshold in Senate to convict. Or the EFF motions of Votes of No Confidence against former president, J Zuma, even if the ANC had a blocking parliamentary majority. They do so to expose the unsuitability of the President. To show the real opposition and expose the captured opposition. To revitalize the opposition base, which is why the motion must be supported by a public march handing a supporting petition. [s 149]. 

The bourgeois opposition has for the last twelve months endured a relentless repression regime offensive, including the tactic of lawfare. That is weaponizing law to persecute opposition, civic, labour and student activists but hiding the iron fist of dictatorship under the silky glove of legality. Such motion in Parliament would reverse the tables and allow the opposition to go on the offensive for once.  

Ultimately of course, an entrenched dictatorship will not be stopped by legal maneuvers but serious mass action of the oppressed and excluded. Such Parliamentary action must only act as a tactic towards mass disobedience and mass action for the people to reclaim their sovereignty usurped by the current regime.   The question is whether Chamisa and MDC A are now prepared to do this and abandon their hitherto doomed appeasement strategy, suing and begging for peace with a recalcitrant dictatorship. 

Munya Gwisai is a leading member of International Socialist Organisation; Senior Lecturer, Faculty of Law, University of Zimbabwe and Partner at Matika Gwisai and Partners. Views expressed are personal.  

By A Correspondent- Following dismal failure by the police as exposed by ZimEye to carry a credible investigation on the case of the late murdered Murewa boy, Tapiwa Makore, his family is now looking for funds to engage a private forensic scientist to carry out a fresh DNA test.

This comes after the police today approached the Makore family with the same DNA results from a skull they last year said proved to be of someone else’s.

The police did this after the Makore family had set a burial date for the boys remains.

Tapiwa was murdered in September last year

By A Correspondent- Parents of the late murdered Murewa boy, Tapiwa Makore, have challenged the DNA results which the police is now saying belong to the deceased.

The police today approached the Makore family with the same DNA results from a skull they last year said proved to be of someone else’s.

The police did this after the Makore family had set a burial date for the boy’s remains.

Tapiwa was murdered in September last year.

Barely 2 days after ZimEye exposed ZRP for inaction in finding the head of the late Tapiwa Makore, the police has released DNA results saying the skull previously proved to be of someone else last year, is truly the 7 year old's | ARE THEY TELLING THE TRUTH?

— ZimEye (@ZimEye) March 10, 2021

By James Gwati- Fake prophets like Emmanuel Makandiwa and Uebert Angel have resurfaced after the government last week allowed church gatherings and are telling people that they have anointing water which protects them (people) from COVID-19.

Surprisingly, these self-proclaimed prophets never prophesied or warned people that there was something called the COVID-19 pandemic before the pandemic broke out in 2019.

Makandiwa the leader of UFIC — prophet Emmanuel Makandiwa who has since the outbreak of the pandemic been reassuring his followers that they will be “spared” from the virus through prayer and divine protection.

Makandiwa, who has also been accused of perpetuating conspiracy theories through allusions to the “mark of the beast” that is mentioned in the Bible as he warns his congregants about “microchip” implants, made a climb-down saying he was not preventing people from getting vaccinated but there should be adequate testing of their efficacy first.

Makandiwa’s spokesperson Prime Kufa ignored calls from the state media when they called for a comment.

By James Gwati- The government has warned self-proclaimed prophets who have started telling their followers that they are ready to give them anointing oils that cure COVID-19 if they come to their gatherings.

One such so-called prophet is the leader of UFIC — prophet Emmanuel Makandiwa who has since the outbreak of the pandemic been reassuring his followers that they will be “spared” from the virus through prayer and divine protection.

Makandiwa, who has also been accused of perpetuating conspiracy theories through allusions to the “mark of the beast” that is mentioned in the Bible as he warns his congregants about “microchip” implants, made a climb-down saying he was not preventing people from getting vaccinated but there should be adequate testing of their efficacy first.

Uebert Angels and Walter Magaya are also part of Makandiwa’s tricks of duping desperate followers by selling them what they call anointing oil which they say would help enrich them.

“Who said red is theirs? ZANU PF’s colors have always been red, green, Yellow, White and Black.”-

MISSING PERSON ALERT- Paul Chizuze a Zimbabwean human rights activist disappeared on Wednesday 8 February 2012 pic.twitter.com/ZRMEc9NOLV

— ZimEye (@ZimEye) March 10, 2021

Wits University says it has made R10 million available to help students experiencing financial hardship and who have historical debt of up to R 120 000.

One person has died after police fired rubber bullets at Wits University’s protesting students at the Braamfontein campus.

Students have threatened to continue their protest on Wednesday over the financial exclusion of students.

On Tuesday, traffic was badly affected on Empire Road in Johannesburg due to a protest by students.

Wits University says that if it continues to accept students who have historical debt, the institution will become financially unsustainable.

The university says it is owed R1 billion in outstanding fees accumulated over the past seven years.

Wits University says it has made available R20 million for students who are facing financial hardship and R100 million has been allocated to financial aid through bursaries and scholarships.

Wits University spokesperson, Shirona Patel, says the so-called missing middle remains a challenge.

“These are students who have accumulated debt because they cannot pay and they do not quality for NSFAS. That accumulated debt over the years. If we continue to accept students with this historical debt it means that the university will become financially unsustainable.”

“We do not want to be bailed out by government. We want to be a financially sustainable organisation. Yes, we want to keep the doors open for as many people as possible but we do have limited resources. What this means is call on the private sector and public sector to support those students in the missing middle,” explains Patel

Meanwhile, students want those who owe the university R150 000 in historical debt to be allowed to register.

Wits SRC president Mpendulo Mfeka says they will shut down Wits from 7am.

Mfeka adds that the university must not operate until they get what they want.

SRC’s Kamohelo Chauke says, “About 80 000 students are still not registered because of that financial exclusion problem. So that’s the reason the SRC has decided to find another way of trying to communicate with the university.

-SABC

FULL TEXT- Civil Society solidarity statement on #Chilonga evictions.. pic.twitter.com/OmZjmVpxbQ

— ZimEye (@ZimEye) March 10, 2021

#BREAKING– Police fire warning shots to disperse suspected members of MRP. The MRP members had reportedly besieged the Central police station on Wednesday morning. pic.twitter.com/6IA7IDRvhW

— ZimEye (@ZimEye) March 10, 2021

video credit: online

Picture- Police details arrest 5 members of Masvingo Residents Forum at Civic Centre. The 5 were handing over a petition to Acting Town Clerk Edward Mukaratirwa over service delivery issues such as the poor state of roads and water shortages. pic.twitter.com/XT1F4ycNTC

— ZimEye (@ZimEye) March 10, 2021

In the afternoon I pulled down a tweet made in connection with ProfMaduku’s interpretation of section 96(2) of the constitution.The context of that tweet is explained below. Clearly in my banter with Lovemore , whom I have known for over 20 years & worked with very closely … https://t.co/cTvnmOmXEH

— TENDAI BITI (@BitiTendai) March 10, 2021

…seen this isolation & disillusionment on our recent visit to Chilonga. Chipinge is no different. Ironically like Chiredzi it was part of the Gaza State established by Soshangaan &his descendant Ngungunyana With the fall of the Gaza State colonial Rhodesia plundered Gazaland

— TENDAI BITI (@BitiTendai) March 10, 2021

Post to independent Zim has totally ignored this region save a scattering of a few irrigation schemes. Cyclone Idai brutally exposed the regime’s exclusion of Gazaland now Chipinge. Part of the reason was regime’s hatred &fear of Reverend Ndabaningi Sithole, the founder of #ZANU

— TENDAI BITI (@BitiTendai) March 10, 2021

..I can see easily why Mugabe’s regime hated him. They wrongly convicted him of treason, stripped him of his parliamentary seat, took away Churu farm & even in death denied him national hero status. He was not the only one from Manicaland.They killed Chitepo, Duri &abused Tekere

— TENDAI BITI (@BitiTendai) March 10, 2021

…displaced. Many fled to Mozambique & have not returned. None were compensated despite the billions Rottonbach makes. His trucks have destroyed roads to Che Che yet he is not accountable. So I will not accept hypocrisy from a regime that has brutalized & murdered millions…

— TENDAI BITI (@BitiTendai) March 10, 2021

…Throughout my life I have fought discrimination injustice exclusion & alienation. My legal career has been predominantly an attempt to use the law as an instrument of social justice & as a defender of human rights. A murderous regime & its cronies can not change that …

— TENDAI BITI (@BitiTendai) March 10, 2021

The rights of our people, the rights of Ethnic Minorities in our Zim is an issue so key to our struggle & the political party I proudly belong. On Thursday in Parliament we will lead a motion that will undress regime’s mistreatment & abuse of ethnic minorities. We will not rest

— TENDAI BITI (@BitiTendai) March 10, 2021

…In conclusion & for the avoidance of doubt I regret my tweet with Lovemore and am sorry for its pub stereotype banter. I have known Madhuku for years & we have shared a life together in 3 different spheres. It was mistake to share things that are privately said in jest. Zikomo

— TENDAI BITI (@BitiTendai) March 10, 2021

By A Correspondent- Suspended Registrar General Clement Masango wants the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (Zacc) chairperson Loice Matanda-Moyo to be investigated for criminal abuse of office, alleging that she showed undue favour to a witness in his case which is before the courts.

In his letter dated March 4, addressed to the Police Anti-Corruption Unit (Pacu) and copied to the Special Anti-Corruption Unit (Sacu) in the President’s Office, Masango alleged that MatandaMoyo and the chief investigations officer in his criminal matter, Eric Chacha, exhibited unprofessionalism in his case which is before the courts.

He alleged that Chacha attempted to influence the witness, whom he claims has a vendetta against him, to give a negative report about him.

Masango recently appeared before a Harare magistrate on charges of criminal abuse of duty as a public officer after he allegedly procured six vehicles for the Civil Registry Department without following due tender processes.

He was arrested by Zacc following a tip-off from Peter Bwanya, the then chief accountant in the Civil Registry Department, whom he alleged was deliberately misrepresenting facts for the purposes of diverting the authorities’ attention from the disciplinary action that was pending against him.

“For the foregoing reasons, I submit that both the chairperson of Zacc and Eric Chacha criminally abused their duty as public officers in showing undue favour to Peter Bwanya to my detriment within the contemplation of section 174 of the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act and with that, I would like to lodge an official complaint against them with your office,” Masango wrote to Pacu.

“By copy of this letter, I also formally submit this complaint to the head of the Special Anti-Corruption Unit in the Office of the President and Cabinet.”

Masango claimed that his employer had not yet raised any complaints of criminal abuse of duty against him and there had not been any audit to prove the criminal allegations levelled against him.

“Having looked at the documentary evidence placed before the magistrates court against me and listened to the testimony of the attesting witnesses, I am convinced that both the investigation and the subsequent criminal charges against me are clearly a culmination of gross abuse of duty by the chairperson of Zacc as well as by Eric Chacha, the investigating officer in the matter,” Masango stated in the letter.

He also wants Chacha to be investigated for perjury after he allegedly lied under oath in court that the vehicles he used for personal errands had been recovered at his farm, allegations which he denies.

To clear his name on the charges levelled against him, Masango said he requested a forensic audit from Home Affairs and Cultural Heritage ministry secretary Aaron Nhepera, but no audit was done.

He also wrote a letter of complaint to Matanda-Moyo against Chacha, who he alleged had used violence on his arrest and violated his constitutional rights by denying him a lawyer, but he did not receive any response.

Masango also alleged that Chacha threatened to arrest two other workers at the Civil Registry Department Benjamin Makiwa and Arthur Mathews, forcing them to corroborate Bwanya’s allegations against him.

When they refused to comply, he allegedly proceeded to arrest and charge them with theft of fuel.

-Newsday

By A Correspondent- Two sons of Zimbabwe’s information minister Monica Mutsvangwa appear to have jumped the Covid-19 vaccine queue as elites scramble for limited Sinopharm doses ahead of frontline workers, ZimLive can reveal.

Tawanda and Tinotenda Mutsvangwa posted pictures and videos of themselves apparently getting the jabs last Saturday before hitting the bar with a cousin named Farai, in defiance of Covid-19 regulations.

Their father is Christopher Mutsvangwa, Zimbabwe’s former ambassador to China and one-time adviser to President Emmerson Mnangagwa. He also heads the association of independence war veterans.

Zimbabwe received a donation of 200,000 virus doses from China. Mnangagwa and health minister Constantino Chiwenga told the nation that frontline workers, mainly nurses and doctors, police officers, prison officers, soldiers, journalists and lawmakers would get priority during the first phase of inoculation.

The Chinese vaccine requires two doses administered 21 days apart, and the available doses are just enough for not more than 100,000 of Zimbabwe’s 15 million citizens.

On Saturday, Tawanda – who calls himself @two_under on Instagram – posted a “story” of himself in what appears to be a medical facility apparently receiving the jab to the soundtrack of Meek Mill’s “Cold Hearted II”.

“Vaccinated,” the caption said, with a green tick at the end.

Elsewhere on Instagram, Tinotenda posted a picture of himself holding a Covid-19 vaccination card, which is issued after one has taken the vaccine. It was captioned “Sunday – 11:52:16 AM”.

Online, Tawanda describes himself as an “investment manager”and Tinotenda says he is “focusing on a career in both international development and the world of commerce.”

Minister Mutsvangwa was not answering her phone on Tuesday. A woman who answered said she was in Cabinet, before quipping: “My personal view is that you’re asking about adults. I imagine they can answer for themselves.”

Agnes Mahomva, the head of Zimbabwe’s Covid-19 response, declined to answer our questions, as she has notoriously done since her appointment last year.

Following their vaccination boasts, the Mutsvangwa brothers went to Ace Lifestyle in Borrowdale Brooke, which was open despite a government ban on nightclubs which has been in place since much of last year.

Farai posted an Instagram video, which was preceded by an image of a Covid-19 vaccine card which appears to be the same as the one earlier posted by Tinotenda, based on fingertip features.

The revelations of preferential vaccination will alarm donors.

The main opposition Movement for Democratic Change Alliance has called for an official inquiry.

“We are concerned at reports that a minister’s sons have priority access to the vaccine yet essential workers, the vulnerable and those that need the intervention most are yet to receive it,” MDC Alliance spokesperson Fadzayi Mahere said.

“It would appear that the distribution of the vaccine has already been plagued by corruption and nepotism. This is compounded by the flagrant violation of lockdown laws as they are allowed to frequent nightclubs and host prohibited gatherings. This is juxtaposed by the arbitrary, malicious arrests of MDC Alliance youths who are jailed for hosting a solidarity press conference outside a court house. The selective application of the law must be condemned.”

Mahere said the Covid-19 pandemic had “in many ways brought the bad governance, maladministration and performance legitimacy crisis of the regime into sharp focus.”

Ironically, minister Mutsvangwa only took her vaccine on Monday – after her sons had taken the life-saving jabs.

Both Tawanda and Tinotenda had not answered messages left for them. Their brother, Neville, said: “Ask Tawanda, he’s the one that posted.”

On Tuesday, Zimbabwe reported 32 new infections and two deaths. Since the virus was first detected in October last year, Zimbabwe has reported 36,321 infections which have resulted in 1,489 deaths.

The country has witnessed high profile deaths of leading figures, including three ministers – Perrance Shiri who headed lands and agriculture, foreign minister Sibusiso Moyo and Ellen Gwaradzimba, the former provincial minister for Manicaland.

Zimbabwe says it expects a further 200,000 doses of the Sinopharm vaccine from the Chinese government, while unnamed Chinese companies have pledged 1.2 million doses, according to President Mnangagwa.

The country’s finance ministry also says it has acquired 600,000 vaccine doses “arriving from China in the coming weeks.”

The European Union announced last week that Zimbabwe will receive 1.152 million doses of Covid-19 vaccine under the COVAX scheme, a global initiative led by the World Health Organisation for an equitable Covid-19 vaccine distribution.

-ZimLive

FLASHBACK PICTURE- The late MDC T leader #MorganRichardTsvangirai would have turned 69 today. Share what you remember the most about him @MdcMasvingo @mdcmashwest @nelsonchamisa @mdczimbabwe @DrNkuSibanda @gracekwinjeh @Welshman_Ncube @DMwonzora @DavidColtart @DrThoko_Khupe pic.twitter.com/JJ55uWR5hZ

— ZimEye (@ZimEye) March 10, 2021

By A Correspondent- Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) President has called on Zimbabwe’s political leadership to exhaust all the solutions available in resolving the country’s crisis.

Speaking at a discussion forum hosted by the Public Policy Research Institute Of Zimbabwe held under the title “Elusive Political, Electoral and Economic Reforms in Zimbabwe : ls National Dialogue The Solution?” Mutasa said:

• I start by pointing out that the Zimbabwean crisis is complex and can not be resolved by one solution. None has the simple solution to the crisis but through lots of engagements and trials and errors will we find the elusive magic wand.

• It is therefore my position that yes, National Dialogue is one of the solutions but not the exclusive solution. There are other solutions that must be considered as solutions on their own or to be jointly used with national dialogue.

• National dialogue also has to be properly conceptualized and it be established what different classes, groups and interests perceive it to be. We may have different views of what it is and what we seek to achieve out of it.

• However before evaluating whether National Dialogue is the solution, there is need to understand what the problem is that requires a solution. We need to have a clear conception of the Zimbabwean problem as well as an understanding of its depth. A progressive solution is a product of an understanding of the problem through objective and inclusive analysis. A FAILED STATE THAT HAS LOST LEGITIMACY

• The basis of my submissions is that Zimbabwe is now a Failed State and the government has lost legitimacy in the “eyes and hearts” of majority of the citizens

• There is bound to be a lot of debate and disagreements about this conclusion. Much of it will be driven by ideological, philosophical and academic definitional arguments.

• I am from a specific class that has peculiar needs and expectations from the state. The working class in its broadest sense forms the biggest social class and faces particular problems and unmet needs.

• The legitimacy of the state or it’s status as weak, failing ,failed or collapsed, is based on what the citizens see and experience daily. This is never neutral especially in a kleptocratic oligarchic state where some benefit at the expense of the suffering majority. The daily struggles therefore determines the legitimacy of the government and status of the state.

• Therefore, legitimacy of the state is not only based on the way it attained power. For the working class how it provides political goods is the most important measure. Both input and output legitimacy becomes important for assessing whether the state still has legitimacy in terms of its policies and programs. The question is whether it is a government for the people that listens to the people and meet the basic needs of the citizens.

• There is no doubt that in this regard, the Failed Zimbabwean State has lost legitimacy in the “eyes and hearts” of the majority and especially the working class.

• The state has failed in many regards and these examples indicates clearly how it has failed. 1) A State failing to promote, protect and guarantee security of persons.

• One of the most fundamental obligations of the state is to protect its citizens. The Zimbabwean State using its various state organs has actually provided the biggest danger to citizens. The abductions, torture, unlawful arrests and pre trial detentions, police and military brutalities and many other forms of abuses points to a state that has become a danger to its citizens.

• Although powerful, exercising monopoly of violence and controlling an effective state security machinery, the state has been operating outside the parameters permissible by law. In many instances some of its organs and agents have been behaving like militias and acting above the law thereby endangering citizens. 2) A state Failing To Provide Public Services

• For the working class, everything is not working well. We are failing to access medical care, education, adequate housing, proper transport etc. Public hospitals are in a sorry state lacking basic drugs and equipment. Some schools resemble pigsties and many kids are failing to access quality education as teachers are always incapacitated and schools have no books.

• Workers are facing serious problems going to and from work. There is no suitable and adequate public transport. Many are now using open trucks in the rains and cold. This is a serious regression 3) State Facing Social and Economic Implosion.

• High inflation and currency debauchery has led to serious erosion of wages and pensions. The majority of the workers are earning far below the PDL and many are literally enslaved working for nothing.

• Domestic workers earn only USD9 equivalent to 9 loaves of bread. Minimum wage can only buy 25 loaves of bread for a full month salary. •

• Many are food insecure and facing starvation. Endemic poverty affecting 70% of the population with 34% in extreme poverty.

• We are in a vicious cycle, with low incomes, low demand, low savings, and low productivity • Many kids will drop out of schools as working parents fail to pay fees. Many families can barely afford a single meal a day.

• There is massive unfair transfer of wealth from the poor workers and peasants to the elites and their cronies through corruption, arbitrage, state and regulatory capture and its concomitant rents.

• In this regard, the state has failed as it safeguards the interests of a few while exploiting and exposing the majority to social and economic dangers Reasons For Failure

• There a many reasons for the State Failure and these includes:

• 1) Dictatorship, Kleptocracy

• 2) Anti people and Anti Workers policies ( Neoliberalism- Austerity, currency debauchery)

• 3) Militarization of the State

• 4) Corruption • 5) Cartels and State capture

• 6) Lack of Constitutionalism and Rule of Law National Dialogue

• Whilst l believe that national dialogue is inevitable, the following must be noted

• (1) National Dialogue is not an event. It has been happening since 1980 even beyond that if we take the prior independence epoch into account.

• (2) Dialogue takes many forms including formal set up that appears to be the focus currently. It however can also take different forms like mass actions, protests, petitions, legal challenges, boycotts, open letters, and many other forms of expressions. The state’s responses to these must also be regarded as part of the broad national dialogue process • Dialogue mustn’t be narrowly conceived to be a formal and pleasant process always based on good faith. In the labour market we have come to realise that dialogues have different processes and dynamics. So as weird as it may sound, there is already a national dialogue going on albeit between the powerful elites and submissive citizens under a hostile environment. Just like we have an unfair social contract contrary to common belief that we have no social contract.

• (3) There has been different forms of national dialogues processes in Zimbabwe and various outcomes. We need not lose these historical developments if we are to find a sustainable solution.

• For example the most notable outcome of the national dialogue processes is the Zimbabwean Constitution. This is a progressive outcome in many regards which if sincerely implemented will resurrect the failed state.

The important questions in light of the above therefore are

• (i ) Those seeking dialogue, what is the desired outcome?

• ( ii) What will be the contents of the expected outcome and how different will that be to the Constitution?

• ( III) lf the Constitution is being ignored and not complied to, why would the same people comply with the expected dialogue outcomes?

• These are difficult questions that also shows that perhaps this dialogue call maybe a result of ephemeral consciousness that is not rooted on clear understanding of the problem and reasons for the failed state. It may also be based on hoping against hope that the ruling elites may genuinely embrace reforms. Based on experience that is highly unlikely.

• These questions give credence to the need for widening our search for the elusive national solution Alternative View

• For any dialogue to be meaningful, respected and to produce sustainable outcomes relative power of the parties is an important factor.

• From my background and experience in labour market dialogues, all forms of negotiations are influenced in a big way by the perceived or actual power of the parties.

• This calls for shifting the focus from begging for a particular form of dialogue to building power for those suffering under the burden of an unfair social contract.

• The ruling kleptocrats are powerful and are using the whole armour of the state. This class is also benefiting a lot through patronage, corruption, state capture and cartels and rents. It has no reason for it to lose these massive benefits through a dialogue with people that are battered and already submissive. That is only logical and from experience the ruling classes have never voluntarily reformed themselves out of power and risk everything just to please the exploited classes.

• It goes without saying that any dialogue with the ruling elites , the oligarchs and their cronies will not be sincere unless the citizens possesses and use collective countervailing power.

• If the ruling elites accept this call for dialogue or as appears to be happening now, if they call for it and shape it, they will be seeking to achieve a PR coup against the increasingly conscious exploited classes.

• Worse still any top – down dialogue approach will inevitably cement the ruling elites stranglehold on the state and economy. It is also clear that, such a dialogue will be on their terms, produce their desired outcomes and those terms undesirable to them will not be accepted or implemented.

• State Of The Citizens, Labour , Political And Social Movements • All are weakened, fragmented, infiltrated, some co-opted and others being coerced into submission. • Successive years of state attacks and brutalities against any form of dissent has to an extent decimated the once robust mobilised collective movements and communities.

• The militarization of the state, push for one party state agenda and weaponisation of covid19 has led to suspension of all important constitutional rights. Freedom of association, assembly and speech to mention a few have been suspended. There is a powerful invisible and unpronounced martial law in operation.

• These and other rights are extremely important for any fair , effective and inclusive national dialogue. Without these civic and political rights, any dialogue will be elitist and in the main a farce. Practical Means Of Attaining Genuine Dialogue

• There must be a bottom up approach that respects the affected people and that is sensitive to their needs, fears, aspirations and grievances.

• It must take into account historical developments and outcomes of all forms of dialogues

• It must be based on solidarity within classes and between classes. No one is spared except the ruling elites and their cronies. So the people must unite. Only a United Front grants citizens power which is necessary to engage the state actors with some ability to sanction non committal.

• It must be based on clear ideological foundation. Only when we realise that power retention by the elites is not an end in itself but a means to accumulation of wealth will the people be empowered. Many are fighting for political power and not progressive revamp of the social and economic structure which is in actual fact what the oligarchs are defending. • Thus, for the working class the struggle is against both repression and neoliberalism induced poverty or misery. We can not accept or afford a dialogue for sharing power in order to continue exploiting the masses.

• The focus of the Labour movement, churches, students, peasants, civic society , political formations and all citizens must not be a rushed formal political dialogue but building a critical mass. This critical mass must be able to engage in many forms with whoever wields political power to atleast comply with the progressive dialogue outcome we already have, the 2013 Constitution.

• If this dialogue outcome is implemented fully or even partially, the failed state will be transformed and common good attained.

• The 2013 Constitution has provisions for most of the issues that l speculate to be what those begging for dialogue desire to attain.

Conclusion

• It is my submission that what the progressive forces and all other sectors outside the state sphere need to urgent do is build an active citizenry that effectively exercise its agency.

We need to :

• 1) Organise and come together despite sectorial interests. Class collaboration is unavoidable.

• 2) Clarify the most important agenda. One that cuts across all interests. Without being prescriptive because there is no room for that, two issues stick out, repression and neoliberalism induced misery.

• 3) Mobilise for the agenda. The agenda must be known and believed by the majority across the country. This is the first signal to the elites that the people can not bear the repression and neoliberalism induced misery any longer. Civic education that is properly planned and rolled out is part of this mobilisation.

• 4) Take action. Please note that only non violent actions especially those provided in the constitution are effective. There must never be any illusion about use of violent means, this will not work. The state has monopoly of violence and citizens can not seek a progressive outcome through violent means against the state. Again the 2013 Constitution is the most important tool. Citizens must ensure that the rights guaranteed in the Constitution are exercised

• 5) All must be anchored on solidarity between classes, communities and person to person. Solidarity must be the glue that unites the citizens as well as the buffer against continued state brutalities.

• It is this United Front that has legitimacy to initiate and engage in many forms of national dialogue with the state (or government). It is again this mass that can with some level of equal power bargain effectively with the mighty state.

• This is just another view to the current focus on the national dialogue as it has been propagated so far. • Thank you for inviting me to share my views, which mainly reflect the interactions and debates within working class platforms.

I acknowledge that some may hold different views and that there are some practical limitations to my suggestions. This is why such a platforms you created and invited us is extremely important for the citizens to critically discuss and analyse the problem in search of the elusive national solution.

By A Correspondent- Chiredzi West MP, Farai Musikavanhu (Zanu-PF) has torched a storm after he commented on behalf of two other legislators with regards to the controversial lucerne grass project in the Chilonga area of Chiredzi.

This was after Musikavanhu commented on behalf of other Members of Parliament, overriding Denford Masiya (Chiredzi East, Zanu-PF) and Callisto Gwanetsa (Chiredzi South, Zanu-PF).

The project is likely to displace over 12 000 villagers in Chilonga after government on February 26 promulgated Statutory Instrument (SI) 50 of 2021, ordering the villagers to vacate their ancestral land to pave way for the project by Dendairy, a company based in Kwekwe.

Musikavanhu defended government’s interests in the lucerne project, in a video that went viral. His comments were said to be misleading.

“Consultations were done. We saw it and gave thanks as the political leadership.

“Those people (villagers) by virtue of being communal people – they are de facto covered in the process of benefiting from the lucerne project,” Musikavanhu, who is also the ruling party’s provincial secretary for finance, said in a bid to buttress Masvingo Provincial Affairs minister Ezra Chadzamira’s earlier statement on the fate of the villagers.

Clause 3 of SI 50 of 2021 reads:

“Any person occupying or using the land specified in the schedule, is ordered to depart permanently with all of his or her property from the said land by the date of publication of this notice, unless he or she acquires rights of use or occupation to the said land in terms of section 9(1) of the Communal Land Act [Chapter 20:04].”

Government has since watered down the eviction order by deleting controversial clauses, assuring the villagers that a few of them will be displaced by the project.

Exiled former Tourism minister Walter Mzembi then tweeted, saying Musikavanhu’s comments could be a manifestation of factional politics within Zanu-PF as he was commenting on behalf of other MPs, yet his constituency was not affected by the grass project.

Mzembi said Musikavanhu was actually supporting the eviction of his rivals’ voters.

“Strange that being from a different constituency, he (Musikavanhu), supports the eviction of voters for his rivals, Gwanetsa and Masiya. Factional politics is at play,” Mzembi tweeted.

Information permanent secretary Ndavaningi Mangwana then claimed that the two constituencies which were to be affected by the grass project voted for Musikavanhu.

Mangwana tweeted:

“The people of Chiredzi West (where Chilonga is located) elected a representative to promote and protect their interests. Their legislator is Farai Musikavanhu who in this clip weighs in to give his support to the lucerne project which he says is good for his community.”

However, Mangwana later realised that he had made a grave mistake and apologised, but his comments had already been seen by analysts who claimed it was Zanu-PF factionalism at play.

SI 50 of 2021 in clause 3 also refers to the Mines and Minerals Act chapter 21:05, which has left may wondering if there are minerals on the land earmarked for the lucerne project.-newsday

By A Correspondent- Zimbabwean returnee immigrants face psychological distress induced by lack of jobs, poverty and the harsh economic climate, the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) has said.

A number of fellow countrymen based in neighbouring countries have been forced to return home owing to COVID-19-induced job losses.

Some immigrants are being deported due to lack of proper documentation.

The United Nations migration agency said it had noted during the counselling sessions with returning immigrants that the majority were experiencing psychological distress.

“As migrants made their way through border screening processes, 461 (61% males, 39% females) were offered counselling services after a rapid psychosocial distress screening tool was administrated. The average age of the returnees was 33,” IOM Zimbabwe spokesperson Fadzai Nyamande-Pangeti said in an update of the UN agency’s mental health and psycho support services.

The rapid psychosocial distress screening tool is used to ascertain the stress levels of migrants at points of entry.

“Returning migrants present a range of concerns during counselling sessions, chief among them is uncertainty about the future as they return home after having been away for extended periods. Most are concerned about reintegrating into their communities with limited livelihood opportunities.”

IOM’s mental health and psychosocial support services are funded by the US State Department’s Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration.

“Due to lack of proper social and economic structures and shortage of resources, that mass return of migrants is likely to be burdensome on local communities who are themselves drastically affected in social, economic and public health terms as a result of the pandemic,” Nyamande-Pangeti added.

“This backdrop can exacerbate returnees’ mental stress and further highlights the importance of strengthening social safety nets in receiving communities, providing post-arrival reintegration packages for returnees and assisting with long-term skills development and livelihood opportunities for the returnees and their communities.”

By A Correspondent- Cabinet yesterday approved the start of the second phase of Covid-19 vaccination exercise and urged companies intending to buy vaccines for their employees to procure only those that are registered in Zimbabwe.

The Medicines Control Authority of Zimbabwe has approved the use of Sinopharm and Sinovac from China, Covaxin from India and Russia’s Sputnik-V for use in the country.

Two weeks ago, Government launched a nationwide Covid-19 vaccination programme targeting frontline workers after receiving a donation of 200 000 doses of Sinopharm vaccine from China.

Frontline workers are covered in the first phase while vulnerable groups among them people with chronic illnesses such as cancer, TB and diabetes patients are covered in the second phase.

During a post-Cabinet briefing last night, Information, Publicity and Broadcasting Services Minister Monica Mutsvangwa yesterday said 34 400 people were vaccinated countrywide in the first two weeks of the rollout programme.

She said progress made in the initial stages of the vaccination programme has prompted Cabinet to approve the second stage of the vaccination programme. The minister said only registered medicines will be used.

“All those intending to procure vaccines for their employees must procure only registered vaccines in Zimbabwe. The Ministry of Finance and Economic Development will be purchasing the vaccines on behalf of the Government of Zimbabwe. Cabinet would also like to unveil the guidelines for the procurement and administration of Covid-19 vaccines by the Private Sector in Zimbabwe,” she said.

“Following wide ranging consultations with the private sector, the following guidelines will be followed: All Covid-19 approved vaccines will be procured through the National Vaccine Procurement Fund managed by the Ministry of Finance and Economic Development. Organisations, individuals and any partners wishing to donate towards vaccine procurement will do so to the President through the Fund. Donations received and pledges made to date will be announced.”

Minister Mutsvangwa said those interested in buying vaccines for their workforce will deposit their funds into the National Vaccine Procurement Fund after approval by the Ministry of Health and Child Care.

“The National Vaccine Procurement Fund will procure on behalf of the organisations guided by the national procurement guidelines. To ensure safety and efficacy, vaccines shall be kept at the Central Vaccines Stores under the Ministry of Health and Child Care and the National Cold Chain guidelines shall apply.

Only trained and registered health professionals shall be authorised to administer vaccines, and only the Ministry of Health and Child Care shall be responsible for issuing all Covid-19 vaccination certificates. All vaccines administered at private institutions will be transported by Ministry of Health and Child Care medical staff under guard by the Zimbabwe Republic Police,” she added.

-statemedia

By A Correspondent- The Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) has called for engagement between the rival political parties in the country including civic organisations to end the current political stalemate.

This was said by ZCTU president Peter Mutasa in his discussion paper titled Elusive Political, Electoral and Economic Reforms in Zimbabwe at the Public Policy Research Institute of Zimbabwe, where he stated that national dialogue was not an event, but a continuous engagement process.

Mutasa described Zimbabwe as a failed State with a government that has lost legitimacy in the “eyes and hearts” of the majority of its citizens, which means that national dialogue can be one of the solutions, though not an exclusive one to the crisis.

“While I believe that national dialogue is inevitable, it is not an event, it has been happening since 1980 and even beyond that if we take the prior independence epoch into account. Dialogue takes many forms, including a formal set-up that appears to be the focus currently,” Mutasa said.

“It, however, can also take different forms like mass action, protests, petitions, legal challenges, boycotts, open letters, and many other forms of expressions. The State’s response to these must also be regarded as part of the broad national dialogue process.”

He said if the Constitution was not adhered to, it would be difficult for the same people who ignored it to comply with the outcomes of dialogue.

“The ruling kleptocrats are powerful and are using the whole armoury of the State. This class is also benefiting a lot through patronage, corruption, State capture and cartels and rents. It sees no reason for it to lose the massive benefits through a dialogue with people that are battered and already submissive. That is only logical and from experience, the ruling classes have never voluntarily reformed themselves out of power and risk everything just to please the exploited classes,” Mutasa said.

He added that citizens, labour and political social movements were all weakened, fragmented, infiltrated, and some co-opted and others coerced into submission.

“Successive years of State attacks and brutalities against any form of dissent have to an extent decimated the once robust, mobilised collective movements and communities,” he said.

“The militarisation of the State, push for one-party State agenda and weaponisation of COVID-19 has led to suspension of all important constitutional rights.  Freedom of association, assembly and speech to mention a few have been suspended. There is a powerful and invisible martial law in operation.”

The ZCTU leader said all progressive forces in the country should mobilise outside the State sphere and build an active citizenry that effectively exercises its agency as class collaboration was unavoidable.

-Newsday

Zimbabwe’s top health executive Portia Manangazira, who was arrested last month on corruption charges, was yesterday further remanded in custody to March 23.

Manangazira, who is director of epidemiology and disease control in the Health and Child Care ministry, is being accused of criminal abuse of office after she allegedly flouted tender procedures, employed 28 relatives including her father as community health workers, and authorised illegal payments.

The State alleges that sometime in July last year, Manangazira requested funding to recruit and train voluntary community workers to assist in raising awareness on COVID-19.

An allocation of US$796 675 was availed by the Africa Centre for Disease Control through the African Field Epidemiology Network, a non-governmental organisation.

The money was meant to cater for items and services to be used at training workshops for 800 community health workers.

It is also alleged that between July 2020 and last month, she identified 1 000 health community workers to be deployed throughout the country on a COVID-19 awareness campaign, without involving provincial and district medical directors and
officers.

The State alleges that the health workers were paid US$600 each for a period of three months and preliminary investigations revealed that 28 of the recruits were related to her.

It is also alleged that between July 16, 2020 and last month, Manangazira acted unlawfully and contrary to or inconsistent with her duties as a public officer and authorised the procurement of goods and services at a cost of US$280 529 without following due processes and favouring selected suppliers.

Manangazira is also accused of sanctioning the payment of facilitation fees totalling US$8 835 to undeserving Health ministry staff.

She also faces another charge of authorising the issuance of coupons for 3 290 litres  of fuel to privately-owned vehicles not registered with the ministry.

Meanwhile, former Health minister Obadiah Moyo, who is also accused of criminal abuse of office, has been remanded to April 15 for trial.

The former minister is accused of giving Drax International, a US$60 million contract to supply COVID-19 drugs and materials without going to tender.

In another unrelated matter, former University of Zimbabwe vice-chancellor Levi Nyagura, who is also being charged with criminal abuse of office, was remanded to April 15 for trial.

Nyagura is accused of single-handedly awarding former First Lady Grace Ntombizodwa Marufu-Mugabe a Doctor of Philosophy Degree (PhD) without following due process.

Also, former Public Service minister Priscah Mupfumira, who is accused of criminal abuse of office, will stand trial on April 15.

Mupfumira is jointly charged with former secretary in her ministry, Ngoni Masoka.

-Newsday

By A Correspondent- Government yesterday issued Statutory Instrument (SI) 63A to correct anomalies contained in SI 50 of 2021, which ordered the eviction of over 12 500 villagers in Chilonga, Chiredzi, to pave way for a Dendairy lucerne grass project.

Following days of public outcry and an uproar from the villagers, opposition politicians and non-governmental organisations, government yesterday repealed SI 50 of 2021 and issued SI 63A of 2021, which states that the project to be established in Chilonga is an irrigation scheme.

“It is hereby notified, for general information, that the Communal Land (setting aside of land) (Chiredzi) notice, 2021, published in SI 50 of 2021, contained errors,” SI 63A of 2021 read in part.

“Statutory instrument was corrected ‘by the deletion of the words purpose of lucerne production’ and substitution of ‘establishment of an irrigation scheme’.”

Following the amendment, Presidential spokesperson George Charamba said: “Dendairy is a very small part in the equation. Too small in fact. We have huge supply contracts for a variety of products enough to exhaust the ardour of the community combined. The whole of Chilonga is set for massive transformation, harbinger of which is the revived irrigation.”

But United Kingdom based lawyer Alex Magaisa said the Chilonga villagers were still in danger of being evicted.

“SI 50 of 2021 designated the Chilonga land for growing lucerne grass for Dendairy’s cows. It provided for the permanent removal of the Chilonga community. SI 63A changes the designation to establishing an irrigation scheme. But the provision for permanent removal remains unchanged,” he tweeted.

“The regime is playing hide and seek with the beleaguered Chilonga community. It has issued a new statutory instrument, but the change is largely an illusion. The Chilonga community is still in danger of removal.”

Last week, President Emmerson Mnangagwa ordered the convening of a high-level meeting to deal with the matter that was getting out of hand, with sources who attended the meeting saying there were suspicions of infiltration in the Attorney-General’s Office by interested parties in order to derail the project.

The sources also alleged that there was sloppy supervision of the handling of the matter by the ministries of Local Government and Public Works, and Agriculture.

SI 50 of 2021, experts said, was ultra vires the Communal Lands Act, adding that the drafters might have been infiltrated to scuttle the process.

The project, sources who were part of the meeting said, was actually an irrigation scheme of over 200 000 hectares and the project was not a creation of the current government.

“It is a plan by Rhodesians many years ago, in the 1950s. What we have just done is to now say we have water in Tugwi-Mukosi and Lake Kyle and plans to build Runde-Dende and a good water basis and plan,” a source said.

The source said there were fears that people interested in the project caused the insertion, through some drafters in the Attorney General’s office, clauses to trigger outrage and scuttle the process.

Last week, Charamba tweeted saying: “Trust me, all those with throbbing veins on Chilonga will realise its all much ado about nothing. As early as Monday. The courts are not foolish to give interim relief over nothing happening materially on the ground anyway.

“Facts on the ground show very few households stand to be affected by this new thrust, huge swathes of which land fall within unutilised zones. The few households which may be affected only get so affected in the sense of being re-sited as already indicated, all at government expense and for improved rural housing.”

Under SI 50 of 2021, government ordered the eviction of over 12 000 villagers, translating to more than 2 500 families for a grass farming project run by Dendairy, a dairy firm headquarted in Kwekwe and run by Neville Coetzee, who reportedly has strong links with Mnangagwa.

On Saturday, the Masvingo Magistrates Court issued a temporary relief to stop the evictions after the Zimbabwe Environmental Law Association filed an urgent chamber application seeking to interdict the government from going ahead with its plan.

The planned evictions were described as unconstitutional and “colonial mentality” by law expert and National Constitutional Assembly leader Lovemore Madhuku.

-Newsday

By A Correspondent- A total of 137 COVID-19 cases are currently hospitalized right now, This was revealed by the Ministry of Health and Child Care in an update that stated that of the hospitalized COVID-19 cases, 37 of the cases are severe and 13 people are in Intensive Care Units countrywide.

Stated the ministry in the update:

As of 8 March 2021, @1500hrs, there were 137 hospitalised cases, asymptomatic 70, mild to moderate 30, severe 24, and 13 in intesnive care units.

The Ministry also stated that 243 people were vaccinated yesterday bringing the total number of vaccinations to 35 761. The country’s 2 COVID-19 deaths were recorded in Mashonaland Central and Harare had the highest number of new cases recording 10 of the country’s 32 new cases.

The country is expected to take delivery of 600 000 doses of Sinopharm a COVID-19 vaccination developed in China this month and 984 000 doses of AstraZeneca through the COVAX scheme by May 2021.

Tinashe Sambiri|MDC Alliance leader President Nelson Chamisa has said Mr Emmerson Mnangagwa’s administration is now dangerous to citizens.

President Chamisa made the remarks during his Agenda 2021 address to the nation on Tuesday afternoon.

President Chamisa bemoaned the rampant violation of human rights by the Zanu PF regime.

See part of part of President Chamisa’s Agenda 2021 statement:

Fellow Zimbabweans,
I come before you at a time when our nation and the rest of the world are facing a
deep crisis due to the COVID19 pandemic.

To date, the world has lost 2.54 million people to the pandemic, with 114 million
recorded cases of infection. Our continent has lost over 100 000 lives and we in
Zimbabwe have lost over 1400 people because of the pandemic.

The last few months
have been particularly terrible for our communities.

I commend our healthcare
workers and all those at the frontline in this fight against the pandemic.

All of us have been affected by the pandemic, due to the lockdowns and associated
rules which have been imposed as part of measures to curb the spread of the
pandemic. We are not alone in this fight.

Virtually every nation has had to respond to
a scourge that became an existential threat to humanity.

However, it has reminded all of us members of the human family of our shared
vulnerabilities and the importance of enhancing our networks of cooperation and
assistance in the face of a common enemy.

I commend the excellent work of everyone
who has worked hard and invested much to find solutions to protect humanity from
this pandemic.

In our context, Zimbabwe is weighed down by twin crises – the Covid-19 pandemic
and a bad governance pandemic.

Rising authoritarianism has rendered the State
unstable and saddled with serious contradictions.

Unstable oppressive regimes are
dangerous to their own citizens.

The gross human rights violations against regional
and international instruments must be seen within this context.

But we must not lose
hope. Storms make us stronger yet they never last forever.

It is in this context that I present to you Zimbabwe agenda for 2021.

However, before
I do that, I must comment on how we fared in the past year.
We are Survivors.

2020 was a difficult year, but we survived adverse forces that we trained against us,
itself strong testimony of the strength of the idea that we represent and the undying
spirit of our people. In 2020, we faced crises from two sources: The first was the
crisis that I have already referred to, namely, the crisis of the COVID19 pandemic.

The second was the crisis of authoritarianism whereby the regime embarked on a
relentless assault and onslaught upon democracy and our party.

This assault involved the use of state machinery to subvert democracy and the will of
the people.

Also watch video below:

'DELETE THIS VIDEO,' Ronald Mutandagayi's family backers have demanded, saying they are concerned of the reputation damage to the ZB bank CEO. ZRP Cops today arrested Loveness Mutandagayi. "The police, my dad pulled a fast one on her. Obviously paid them," said the 16y old daught pic.twitter.com/Jih9bmWlaC

— ZimEye (@ZimEye) March 9, 2021

ZBBank CEO, Ronald Mutandagayi, assaulting his wife in front of daughter, 16. FULL INTERVIEW ON https://t.co/eY98GsdO0a pic.twitter.com/LPMtIOC0eg

— ZimEye (@ZimEye) March 8, 2021