By Alfred Jukwa

Prominent political analyst Pedzisai Ruhanya has come under fire after calling on opposition leader Nelson Chamisa to abandon his “movement” approach in favor of rigid, war-era structures that critics say were historically weak and prone to collapse under infiltration. Ruhanya wants Chamisa to adopt the same Chimurenga-style organizational frameworks that, according to historical records, were infiltrated, manipulated, and eventually crippled by Rhodesia’s Special Branch over 50 years ago.

In a series of strongly worded posts, Ruhanya blasted Chamisa’s preference for mass-driven movements over structured parties, describing it as a “politically fatal” error. “The continued aversion to institutions, structures, and collective leadership is fatal,” he wrote. “The idea of a movement is FAILED.”

But this advice has drawn sharp criticism, especially in light of historical evidence showing that these very Chimurenga-style political frameworks—rooted in rigid, top-down militarized structures—were fundamentally weak in resilience and easily breached by Rhodesian intelligence.

A Legacy of Infiltration

During Zimbabwe’s liberation war, organizations like ZANU and ZAPU operated through what Ruhanya today advocates: defined structures, central commands, and political-military wings. But it was precisely this centralized, hierarchical format that made them vulnerable to deep infiltration by the Rhodesian Special Branch and British MI6, ultimately leading to devastating losses—including the assassinations of liberation leaders Herbert Chitepo and Josiah Tongogara.

Mnangagwa Named in German Spy Files

Now, explosive revelations from soon-to-be-declassified documents held by Germany’s foreign intelligence service (BND) suggest that President Emmerson Mnangagwa was a key enabler in those very assassinations. The classified files—currently in the hands of a Hamburg-based investigative journalist—allege that Mnangagwa acted as a mole for British and Rhodesian intelligence during the 1970s liberation struggle.

According to the BND, Mnangagwa leaked critical information about Chitepo’s movements and Tongogara’s military strategies to Rhodesian operatives, including notorious CIO head Ken Flower, himself a known British MI6 asset. The files allege that Mnangagwa’s betrayals enabled the successful car bombing of Chitepo in Lusaka in 1975 and the suspicious truck collision that killed Tongogara in 1979—both of which occurred shortly before Zimbabwe’s independence.

The reports claim that Mnangagwa was rewarded for his espionage with the powerful role of State Security Minister in 1980, thus giving British intelligence ongoing access to Zimbabwe’s new government from within.

Critique of the Movement Model

Ruhanya’s nostalgia for Chimurenga structures comes at a time when Chamisa is attempting to forge a new path through a loosely organized, consensus-driven civic movement. While this model has been criticized for lacking durability and direction, defenders argue that it avoids the centralization that historically invited foreign infiltration and factional implosion.

Commentators warn that replicating “weak Chimurenga-style structures” today would be reckless. These rigid liberation war frameworks may evoke historical legitimacy, but history shows they were structurally brittle—unable to withstand internal betrayal or external manipulation.

Chamisa’s Position

In his response, Chamisa reiterated that “every cause needs a broad-based movement—a nationwide consensus.” He argued that “to unite a nation for a cause, you need something bigger than a party vehicle.” His statement reflects an attempt to modernize Zimbabwe’s democratic space beyond outdated, easily compromised models.

But political opponents and ex-allies alike continue to press him to formalize his approach, fearing that his reluctance to adopt structure might again lead to fragmentation—especially after the chaotic collapse of the Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) earlier this year.

Conclusion

Ruhanya’s call for Chamisa to adopt weak, legacy-style Chimurenga structures invites a dangerous contradiction: urging a return to frameworks that history has already proven were both susceptible to collapse and exploitable by enemies of the liberation struggle.

Meanwhile, the looming declassification of German intelligence files could completely redraw Zimbabwe’s political legacy—placing Emmerson Mnangagwa at the center of a betrayal so deep, it may change the story of Zimbabwe’s independence forever.

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