ZHOCD is an Ecumenical Platform Not an Individual Person

….. In Response to Jamwanda’s Comments: An Insider Perspective

By Dr Tinashe Gumbo

My Ecumenical Background

I have been in the ecumenical movement for almost two decades now. I got to know that ecumenism, is when Christians who belong to different Christian denominations work together to develop closer relationships among their members for the promotion of Christian unity. In an ecumenical platform, key decisions are made collectively and once in the public domain, no one member can be singled out as having been the sole decider over an issue. This is what happens in the Zimbabwe Heads of Christian Denominations (ZHOCD). Reader, you may also want to note the existence of other ecumenical platforms beyond Zimbabwe, such as the Fellowship of Christian Councils in Southern Africa (FOCCISA); All Africa Conference of Churches (AACC) and the World Council of Churches (WCC), in order to fully appreciate the work of ecumenical bodies.

My Objective

This brief article is motivated a) indirectly by my obligation to educate the public about ecumenism in Zimbabwe b) directly by the need to respond to the words of one, Jamwanda, whose twitter account is purported to be run by a Senior Public Official, regarding the latest ZHOCD Statement on the partial reopening of Churches. While the statement was generally accepted by the public as objective and evidence-based, one, Jamwanda singled out Rev Dr Kenneth Mtata and unfairly attacked his person over the same statement. Yet, the statement in question is a collective product of ZHOCD not a single leader.

The views expressed here are purely mine and should not be linked to any institution associated with my name professionally, academically or socially. However, I need to indicate that if indeed, Jamwanda’s account is run by the purported Official, it is very unfortunate because I admired the Official so much as I was growing up because of his intellectual capacity. Today, I felt compelled to respond to some utterances channelled through this twitter account.

The ZHOCD

The ZHOCD is an ecumenical platform that brings together four mother bodies namely theZimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC), the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops’ Conference (ZCBC), the Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe (EFZ), and the Union of the Development of Apostolic Churches in Zimbabwe Africa (UDACIZA). Together, these Christian bodies represent more than 80% of the Zimbabwean population (ZHOCD Consensus Call Proposal, 2021). This makes it a major player in Zimbabwe’s public life. The platform has its origins in the Heads of Denominations (HoD), a loose coalition established in the early missionary periods when the various heads of denominations came together to coordinate their policy in engagement with the state and in sharing perspectives on how missionary work could be executed.

The current leadership of the ZHOCD makes decisions collectively and by consensus. The political leadership (the Bishops: Mangwiro, Khanye, Muparutsa and Ndlovu) and the General Secretaries offer policy guidance to the Church in Zimbabwe on critical national issues affecting the membership including public health.

The ZCBC is the current Chair of the ZHOCD through Arch Bishop Ndlovu, being deputised by the EFZ represented by Bishop Muparutsa while the ZCC is the Secretariat. The greatest strength of the platform is its geographical and numerical spread. The local structures of the ZHOCD are known by various names within the respective ecumenical bodies. These are local ecumenical fellowships, local peace committees, ecumenical environment champions, ecumenical health champions, ecumenical communicators and ecumenical researchers. These are dotted across the country, ready to inform any key ZHOCD national decision. The technical team of the platform offers the technical support to the local structures as they fulfill their daily tasks.

Ecumenical COVID-19 Work

When the world was hit by the deadly COVID-19 pandemic, the Church quickly consulted its members through the ecumenical bodies for a thorough scenario mapping exercise. This informed how the Church would prepare its membership and the public at large in dealing with COVID-19. The Church went on to raise awareness in order to prevent the spread of the virus. The leadership of the Church has continued to encourage members to be fully vaccinated and remain compliant to all COVID-19 protocols. This was and is being extensively done through the Church structures and its networks including the media.

The Church further implemented its treatment care and support interventions through provision of pyscho social support to its members as well as materially supporting its mission hospitals with protective personal equipment. WASH and other humanitarian interventions were fulfilled. Meanwhile, the Church also assisted the public through analysing and simplifying the various key policy and legal instruments crafted and implemented by the Government. It further offered to give policy support through participation in official structures such as the COVID-19 Taskforces at local level. Above all, the Church coordinated its members across the country for effective and efficient response to the pandemic including turning Church premises into COVID-19 Isolation centres. This work has continued for almost a year and a half now. This background information is crucial for one to understand the latest ZHOCD statement on partial reopening of Churches.

Statement on Partial Opening of Churches

On the 11th of August 2021, the Government announced that Churches could physically meet for worship on condition that only those fully vaccinated should be in attendance and that services are conducted with full compliance to the World Health Organisation regulations. The Church responded through a statement advising its members to comply. However, the communication was also meant to make some recommendations to the Government based on some clear theological and practical considerations made through consultation with the congregants. The Church communication was well received by stakeholders, including the Government, media, private actors and individuals.

However, Jamwanda decided to take a different route through his or “her” social media account. As cited in one of the online publications, Jamwanda responded to the statement through a direct and personal attack of one of the Clergymen within the ZHOCD ranks and files, Rev Mtata who is the General Secretary of the ZCC. Jamwanda equated Rev Mtata to the Biblical Pharisees who are known for their hypocrisy. He or “she” acknowledges that Rev Mtata was part of the first crop of Church leaders who positively received the vaccination exercise when it was adopted by Government. However, Jamwanda presents that move by Rev Mtata as “privatising salvation and long life” by the ZCC General Secretary. Without giving evidence, Jamwanda further accuses Rev Mtata as having political ambitions, of being selfish and having failed to provide leadership to the Church. Most damaging was the accusation that Rev Mtata advised his constituency not to respect the Government directive on partial reopening of Churches on condition of full vaccination. This is not true, and even Jamwanda himself or “herself” knows that! Kusvibisa munhu for nothing. But why?

Rev Mtata’s Clear Record on Vaccination

For the record, after he had been vaccinated, Rev Mtata encouraged Church leaders to follow suit voluntarily. Indeed, the public will be reminded of Rev Mtata’s public utterances on his personal and even official ZCC twitter handles, encouraging the public (beyond the Church) to be vaccinated. He presided over a number of conferences and seminars where he raised awareness regarding the need to give vaccination exercise a chance. Moreover, after issuance of the latest ZHOCD statement, Rev Mtata went public on both print and electronic media to explain the Church’s communication. Even the Vice Chairperson of ZHOCD, Bishop Muparutsa appeared on our television during news time explaining the Church’s statement on 12 August. Records will certainly prove Jamwanda wrong on his or “her” accusation.

To single out Rev Mtata as the sole composer of the ZHOCD statement is tantamount to reducing the whole ecumenical platform to an individual. This can’t be! Some generous historians have provided evidence which shows that each time ZHOCD reacts positively to Government pronouncements, Jamwanda quickly comes in to spoil the party, particularly through targeting Rev Mtata’s person. The reason is not yet known though! What could be the background to this personal “hatred”?

Collective Decisions

Remember, in ZHOCD decisions are made collectively and by consensus. In any case, all ZHOCD statements are informed by consultative processes. On 12 August 2021, on behalf of the Church, I personally led the ZCC side of the ZHOCD platform in consolidating the feedback from the Local Ecumenical Fellowships, while my counterparts did the same in their constituencies. This is the data that subsequently informed the final ZHOCD statement, one which for me was well balanced and providing critical recommendations to Government. The statement acknowledged the need for the congregants to comply with the Government regulation but also raised concern that the Church should have been consulted by the authorities before publicly announcing the conditions for Church reopening. These are legitimate concerns that did not deserve Jamwanda’s negative comments targeted at an individual member of a whole platform.

Paragraph 3 of the ZHOCD statement says: “Theologically, the Church is an open and welcoming space for everyone with no restrictions. No one qualifies for Church service as it is a place of God’s grace. The Church will find it very difficult to turn people home because they do not have a vaccination certificate. However, would it be responsible to meet in an uncontrolled environment where possibilities of spreading the virus are high?”

Clearly, this is an objective point put across by the Church. This is supported by an equally objective point in paragraph 4 where practical challenges are raised. Of critical importance though, is the fact that the Church provided progressive recommendations in paragraphs 5.1 to 5.5 targeted at the Church and the Government. There is absolutely nothing in the statement where one advises congregants to disregard the Government directive. Thus, Jamwanda’s personal attacks at Rev Mtata were unfortunate, unsubstantiated and at most unfair.

Yet, I am particularly impressed by the level of accountability and transparency being exhibited by the current ZHOCD leadership. The General Secretaries, Rev Mtata, Pastor Blessing Makwara, Father Fredrick Chiromba and Rev Edison Tsvakai will go down in history as a team that has managed to nurture ecumenism in Zimbabwe. The team always consults its political and grassroots leadership on any decision that has to be made. Some of us have actually enjoyed working under the current ZHOCD leadership as we continue to promote the lightness and saltiness of the Church in Zimbabwe.

By Dr Masimba Mavaza | Democracy was out to test as the world Unites in a rare moment of fear to hide from the pandemic. The COVID-19 pandemic arrived at a difficult time for democracy, in the midst of a resurgence of authoritarianism around the world.
One observer in the just ended elections in Zambia said:
“In spite of the regrettable events that took place towards the announcement of the final results I still contend that the general administration of the Zambian elections was probably streets ahead of most African countries.”
Zambia has told us that Tribalism serves to destroy the party and the nation. Tribalism has been the fundamental organizational unit of our own Midlands for a number of years. Judging from what happened in Zambia the party must question the viability of tribalism in the burgeoning democratic systems of the region. This study weighs in on this debate, focusing specifically on how There are very senior ministers in Midland who practice tribalism to an extend of fabricating charges and trying to arm-twist the police to detain a sitting MP and vice chairman of the party for a case which warrants none such. These senior ministers who claim to be close to the president believe that the tribal loyalties influence the effectiveness of political parties. The party survived through its people regardless of their tribal origin.
If tribalism is not dealt with in Midlands the party will disintegrate. Tribalism is considered by political science researchers to be the most effective way for the people to impose their will on the government. The senior ministers in Midlands should understand that tribalism is inherently at odds with democracy, and it hinders democratic systems, such as political parties, when tribal loyalties trump national ones.
Zambia scheduled to hold elections and was forced to decide whether to hold them as scheduled or postpone them.  It finally agreed to proceed with the elections where the opposition went on to snatch the throne. In this cases, Zambia grappled with how to administer elections as safely as possible, while addressing the multitude of new issues the pandemic has presented, i.e. how to include the votes of those that are quarantined, how to avoid a spike in cases, how to handle campaigning, how to avoid politics and manipulation of new election processes, how to identify resources to finance additional expenses such as personal protective equipment, sanitizing polling places, and maintaining security, and how to be as transparent and inclusive as possible in decision making.  Since the pandemic began, 75 countries and territories have postponed elections, more than 95 have held elections as planned, and more than 45 have held elections that were initially postponed.  Important lessons have been learned over the last several months about how to deal with these and other issues so that the integrity of elections might be preserved.
The Zambian general election has been heralded by all and sundry alike to be the most consequential political decision that the Zambia has faced in generations. COVID-19 continues to negatively impact communities at home and abroad. Zambia gave Zimbabwe free lessons in that all Election across the country were working diligently to ensure that this election can run as smoothly and fairly as possible.So the ruling party works overtime in sorting national elections amidst its campaign. Technically the ruling party is disadvantaged as its members are working to see a smooth running of the elections.
We have learnt from Zambia that Civility isn’t as removed as it may appear. The initial refusal to accept defeat by Lungu was the climax of lack of preparation. We can not put the guards dow every time should be a campaign mode. Lungu assumed that the previous votes for him were permanent so he went into this election with his neck on the platter. It is very wrong to assume that there are
loyal opposition references the opposing party members from the majority party. This moniker grants opposition party members respect and recognizes that despite policy differences, each party is acting in a manner believed to benefit their constituents. The series featured community and political leaders who held vastly different views than their counterparts. Oftentimes, these speakers would deliberate on the same issue, sharing opposing views. However, discussions were made free of ad hominem attacks, cheap shots and many of the other unpleasantries we have grown accustomed to when engaged in difficult conversations. In other words, the speakers embodied the principle behind “the loyal opposition.” The leaders and advocates who spoke in the election series exemplified the good within their communities and depict the level of civility needed to reach across the partisan divide
Good leaders share the unique ability to lift others up. Never think that the party is your personal property. One politician
described the ability to lift others up as “leading with love.” By leading with love, we have the power to turn ideas into calls to action, calls to action into movements, and movements into lasting change. As we enter the polls as voters, it is crucial to consider how each of the candidates is using his or her platform to uplift constituents and inspire the next generation of leaders through their actions. The spirit of division being planted in Midlands by the resident minister and the minister for state security if unchecked will divide the party.
We have learnt that the party must present a United front.
One great lesson was that College-aged students are destined to be a part of a generation of great importance.
The youth must reminded that the things you’re a part of, whether that is voting, your professional choices, through your advocacy and activism, all of it is going to add up to some decisions that historians will study. The party must remind the youth that It can see it in their classmates, teammates, and yes themselves. The enthusiasm to contribute to the common good and to make lasting change through our actions is immeasurable.
The efforts to address and recognize issues facing our nation during election year exemplify the level of passion and care needed to maintain our democracy. Our next generation of leaders must learn from the triumphs and failures of those that have come before them. Our future leaders must expand on systems of voting to allow the enfranchisement of more Zimbabweans to realize the full power behind our democracy. Most importantly, we must once again heed the advice of JF Kennedy “Ask not what your country can do for you – ask what you can do for your country.”
Zambian Lungu undermined the youth power and took it for granted. He was shown the red card by the youth.
ZANU PF must always put the youth on their chest.
The difference between Zimbabwe and Zambia in these elections is that the one who won Zambia’s 2021 general elections is facing two key challenges: reviving the country’s democratic credentials and stimulating the economy. To achieve this, the new administration must have at least four priorities. These are regaining credibility with the international financiers, fighting corruption, curtailing the dominance of the executive branch of government, and ending the reign of terror by political party vigilantes, known as “cadres”.
Zimbabwe has nothing to worry about these developments. ZANU PF has a vibrant youth league which wakes up daily to a new effort to enhance their lives. Unlike Zimbabwe Zambian elections took place in an increasingly contentious environment.
Edgar Lungu, who has been president since 2015 after his predecessor Michael Sata died in office, has shown increasingly autocratic tendencies. He has been running for a controversial third term that opponents argue was unconstitutional since he already has been elected twice, in the 2015 and 2016 general elections. The Constitutional Court dismissed the claim since Lungu’s first term was only one year but this did not stop the legitimacy issue to do rounds.
Unlike in Zimbabwe where the military was only moved in after elections in Zambia
the military has been deployed on the streets due to excessive pre-election violence that underscores how competitive the election is. Zambia is already in a third stage of regime change and the liberators of Zambia the UNIO has served its purpose and it is indeed obsolete.
The opposition in Zambia did not cry for electoral reforms or ask for sanctions against their mother land. Instead they took peaceful elections fight and strategies.
Following a tactic used by Sata in the 2011 elections, Hichilema mobilised 20,000 election agents from his party to assist a parallel vote tabulation process to help monitor fraud. Such a tabulation is a common methodology based on observing a random sample of polling stations to independently verify election results.
What the Zambian elections exposed is the fact that if the opposition loses there will be violence. The Zambians where preparing for a violent response if the opposition had lost. When Lungu accepted defeat the aftermath of the elections suddenly became peaceful. It is therefore clear that the source of violence in Africa is the opposition.
Zambia had to give in to the opposition and had elections during this pandemic. While the argument was that we must not allow Corona virus to affect democracy but there is a need to protect the people against democracy. By most counts, the election can be considered a model for democracy. In addition to effectively failing in containing the virus early on, the government was cornered into voting despite the soaring figures of COVID infections and deaths.  Officials communicated extensively about the measures they were taking so that citizens would feel safe about participating.  They made resources available to hold elections safely,
and were fortunate that by the time election day arrived, Zambian virus curve had been low for about one month, which also gave citizens confidence about voting, resulting in the highest voter turnout in three decades.
On the other hand, Malawi government used its majority while it was in the opposition to ram through elections despite the pandemic. Malawi paid heavily as the death rate multiplied and their health system cracked under the mighty force of the CORONA virus. While the elections went relatively well with high turnout, it was a messy and contentious process.
While the context is different in every country, a number of lessons can be gleaned from the data that has been collected from those elections that have been held since the pandemic began.  First it is critical that there be political consensus around the decisions related to holding elections, including when, where and how to hold them, as well as the measures needed to address pandemic concerns.  This consensus will need to be reached among entities that may not be accustomed to working together, such as the election commission, the ruling party, and the opposition.  Second, the earlier the planning begins for holding elections the better.  Rushing new measures can not only confuse voters, but also give the appearance of manipulation of the process.
Zimbabwe is blessed to have POLAD and the rejuvenated MDC T led by the great patriot Mwonzora. So there is no pressure to whatsoever to hold by-elections. Zimbabwe has put the safety of its people ahead of face make ups.
Despite the fact that Zambia had its elections Zimbabwe does not have, the ability to obtain financial resources to meet the safety requirements for holding an election during a pandemic and to provide alternative methods of casting a ballot. If Zimbabwe suggest postal voting the same opposition will be the ones crying foul.
Despite all the noise around by-elections Zimbabwe has carefully considered the timing of a postponed or delayed elections If COVID-19 cases continue rising it will likely affect turnout, while the opposite will likely mean increased turnout.
While early on during the pandemic, it was legitimate to err on the side of postponing elections, going forward countries should do everything they can to hold elections as scheduled, as enough lessons have been learned to make it possible to conduct elections safely and effectively.  But this is no cause to rush just to please the opposition.
In view of the pandemic Zimbabwe must improve by taking advantage of this crisis to make improvements in election processes, especially with regard to inclusion, but also with regard to improved communication, strengthening political consensus, and better use of resources.
Without being influenced by other countries Zimbabwe Electoral Commission must Review and update norms and laws related to emergency decrees and health and safety restrictions to make sure the transparency and integrity of elections are still protected.
ZEC must take advantage of the research and comparative data that exists related to elections that have been held during the pandemic, and incorporating it into decision making.
As a nation we must Identify those new elements of holding elections during a pandemic that should be maintained after this crisis is over, this will be done to achieve the highest level of inclusion possible, full transparency and communication about election processes, and the use of local election observers.
As a nation Zimbabwe must show the international NGOs that their efforts to support the holding of inclusive, transparent, legitimate, and safe elections during this and future health crises is not needed.
While elections are possible during COVID we have learnt that we need political togetherness.
Now we all can see who habours violence. The MDC A in Zimbabwe will start by threatening war should their candidate lose. They will much to the Election Command centre if there is a delay in conceding. Lungu has shown a different statesmanship. He has all the reasons to much to the electoral commission and demonstrate but he accepted the defeat for the good of Zambia.
There are lessons to learn we must all learn from them.
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Julie on Mnangagwa traveling to UK pic.twitter.com/a1EhWHQPdb

— ZimEye (@ZimEye) August 17, 2021

https://twitter.com/ZimEye/status/1427642666989334548?s=19

“The country will never die; young people will save it.” (Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo)

Congratulations are indeed in order for the people of Zambia who have successfully managed to elect a new President despite all the political odds being heavily weighed against them.

I would also like to wish Hakainde Hichilema, who is affectionately known as HH, a very successful tenure as the next popularly elected President of the land of the mighty Zambezi River, to the north of our border.

The fact that a long-standing opposition leader such as HH, has successfully deposed an incumbent via the ballot process, is not just most welcome news for Zambia but also for the rest of Africa.

This is so, when one considers as to how rare it is for a ruling party to concede its leadership mantle after losing the popular vote. Most ruling parties in Africa actually find easier to simply rig the elections results and unilaterally continue to remain in power.

This has unfortunately adversely affected Africa’s democratic credentials since millions of its electorate have increasingly become disillusioned and have started to lose faith in capacity of the continent to respect the wishes of its electoral majorities.

As such, it is therefore hoped that the ascendancy of HH into power after an electoral victory, will certainly go a long way into restoring millions of Africans trust or belief in democracy or indeed elections as both a viable and sustainable means to effect political power transfer across the continent.

And nowhere will this point resonate most as in the country’s southern African neighbour of Zimbabwe.

Historically speaking, these two countries share a common colonial history. At one stage they were once bound together as the fabled Siamese twins; being known as Southern and Northern Rhodesia. Added to that, both countries once teamed up with Malawi to set up the ill-fated Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland.

It is thus not a surprise that of all the countries across Africa, it is in Zimbabwe that the latest elections results will be the extensively discussed and analyzed especially in the contest of the country’s forthcoming harmonised elections that are due to be held in 2023.

There are various factors that could be used to help explain the impressive victory that the opposition has achieved in Zambia during this past week.

However, I tend to agree mostly with some political analysts who are already explaining that HH actually owes his electoral victory to the young people of Zambia.

You may recall that during 2016, he narrowly lost to the incumbent Edgar Chagwa Lungu (ECL), amid allegations of him rigging the results.

Yet now in 2021, HH has somehow successfully turned the tables against his erstwhile rival.

A closer comparative view at both the 2016 and 2021 elections results clearly show a massive increase of the voter turnout by over a million in terms of numbers.

Further, the results also clearly reveal that within a short period of 5 years, HH did not only manage to overtake ECL, but he also overwhelmingly defeated him by almost a massive million votes.

According to a pre-elections analysis that was recently done by Kennedy Gondwe from the BBC, elections in Zambia are largely influenced by young people, including first-time voters. More than half of the eight million registered voters are under the age of 35. In the past, along with urban dwellers, they have been the bedrock of the Patriotic Front (PF) support.

But amid the economic turmoil, Mr. Lungu and his party can no longer take their votes for granted. “I am not voting for anyone in this election – I am voting for my job. I can’t go four years without a job,” says Silvia Mutila, a 25-year-old unemployed nurse who graduated in 2017.

Nomsa Maseko, who is also part of the BBC News offices at Lusaka also wrote about the crucial role of the Zambian youths; there is certainly no doubt that those political winds of change were ushered in by young people who are often accused of being reluctant to vote. They turned up in high numbers and generally rejected President Edgar Lungu. “We want jobs, young people want jobs,” chanted throngs of people as they filled the streets of the capital shortly after Mr. Hichilema was declared the seventh president of this copper-rich nation.

Further, both the CNN and Reuters also claim in their news reports that the youths of Zambia played a crucial role in the electoral victory for the opposition by asserting that there was a huge turnout of mostly young people, some who came dressed in their academic robes to protest lack of employment post-graduation.

Joseph Kalimbwe, a youth representative of Hichilema’s UPND party told CNN. “Young people gave us the vote. Four million young people between the ages of 18 to 24 registered to vote. It was a huge turnout and it was very personal to them. They want to ensure the mistakes of their parents were corrected. They have voted for our leader on basis he has better policies and ideas and can strengthen our state institutions’’.

A similar view has been propounded by Jonathan Clayton who recently wrote a feature analysis in the Times of England newspaper. In his analysis, he also emphasized that it was the young people of Zambia who led the successful deposition of ECL from the State House.

As such, most of the credit for his landslide victory must be given to the young people of Zambia who took an active role in this year’s historic plebiscite. It really appears that it is indeed, the youths of Zambia who have decisively helped to redefine the political destiny of their country.

And so, for me, the most important lesson from the recent Zambian elections is that the youths of Zimbabwe must now rise up and take an active lead as we prepare for our own 2023 harmonised elections.

It is my considered view that if our young people finally stand up and get counted, we will certainly have Advocate Nelson Chamisa as our next President come 2023.

In this regard, I do have a very clear and unequivocal stance that the 2023 presidential elections will once again be a two-horse race. Forget about all the other pretenders, especially those aligned to the controversial POLAD, that has already proved beyond reasonably doubt to be a mere extension of the incumbent. Ultimately, the real contest will only be between Emmerson Mnangagwa (ED) and Nelson Chamisa.

I can dare say that all the other presidential candidates will be mere political tokens in order to placate the multi-party democratic interests of our country.

Personally, I am convinced that I have already proved myself as a role model to our current generation of young people.

My political journey officially started in July 1995 when l accepted my nomination as the next Secretary General of the University of Zimbabwe students’ union. I was very young back then since l had recently turned 20 years old.

It was also during my fourth month as a first-year student at the Faculty of Law. Yet, l did not hesitate to respond positively to this national call of political duty. Even though it meant that l would not necessarily prioritize my academic studies in favour of my responsibility as a students representative

At that very nascent stage of my political career, l was already capable of appreciating that when it came to building the nation, my personal interests immediately assumed secondary status. I was already clear and unequivocal in my personal stance that whatsoever l set out to do, l must always put my beautiful motherland of Zimbabwe.

I was only 5 years old when Zimbabwe celebrated its inaugural Independence Day in April 1980; but that memorable experience left a lifelong indelible mark in my entire being. Young as l was, l grew up in Zimbabwe in the 1980s with a full appreciation that for the colonial experience to end formally at the Lancaster House conference in December 1979, it had taken thousands of Zimbabweans to sacrifice their lives.

Indeed, for the nation of Zimbabwe to be born, it took many thousands of lives to die. A lot of Zimbabweans, most of them young, had to die both at home and in exile for the new nation to born on 18th April 1980.

It was in such an inspired political context that in July 1995, l fully made up my decision to context in the next Students Representative Council (SRC) elections. And as fate would have it, l was soon elected as the Secretary General of the 1995-96 SRC before l had even written my first major academic exams at the university.

Later on, l accepted my nomination to be the Acting President in April 1996 when l was barely 21 years old.

Then in October 1996 l further accepted my nomination to be the next President of the University of Zimbabwe students’ union. I eventually contested and lost the said elections. But still, I gracefully agreed to serve the students union as its Vice President under the presidency of the late Learnmore Jongwe.

In April 1998, l was once again nominated and then elected as the next President of the UZ students’ union. I was only 23 years old.

Added to that, since July 1996 l had also played a leading role in the process of reviving the Zimbabwe National Students Union (ZINASU) in my capacity as the Acting President of the UZ students’ union. This process culminated in my election as the revived ZINASU Vice President in February 1997. Once again, l dutifully served my nation as a deputy to the late Learnmore Jongwe, who was elected as the President at the same Congress. I was only 22 years old.

But why am l writing about my early days or humble beginnings as a students leader?

My point is very simple.

We are never too young to start our lifelong journey of serving our beloved nation.

Our youths of Zimbabwe today must be challenged by the yesteryear generations that were led by the likes of the late Joshua Nkomo who responded positively to the call of national duty in their youthful days.

Our youths of Zimbabwe today must be inspired by the likes of Nelson Mandela who also took up the challenge of their generation to dismantle the racist apartheid regime.

Our youths of Zimbabwe today must learn from the class of 1976 in Soweto that played a catalytic role in the struggle to end apartheid in South Africa.

Our youths of Zimbabwe today must be challenged by the generation that was led by the famous students leader, President AGO Mutambara who in the late 1980s stood up and faced the challenge of their generation to fight the One-Party State agenda and also confront excessive corruption as evinced by the Willowgate Scandal.

Our youths of Zimbabwe today must learn from our own generation in the late 1990s which got actively involved in the key political events that helped to define the political destiny of our country.

Indeed, when the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) was launched in 1997, my generation and I were actively involved. I was actually one of the student leaders who used to attend its National Taskforce meetings that were chaired by the late President Morgan Tsvangirai.

Also, when the Movement for Democratic Change was launched in September 1999, my own generation as led by the late Learnmore Jongwe was also there in the thick of action.

Our youths of Zimbabwe today must also learn from the youths of Zambia who have in the past week helped to redefine the political direction of their country.

Our youths of Zimbabwe today must emulate those from Zambia by making sure that with immediate effect they step up their active involvement in the following three crucial political fights.

1. The Fight for National Awareness and Consciousness

It is very sad and disappointing to take note of the low level of political consciousness among the youths of Zimbabwe today. There is currently a disturbingly high level of political apathy among most of our young people. It seems as if most of them have by now already given up on their ability to influence the country’s future by playing an active role in matters of national importance.

Indeed, most youths seem to be more enchanted by the distractive penchants of socialites such as Madam Boss, Mai Titi, Sandra Ndebele, Pokello Nare, Kikky Badass, Njuzu, Mudiwa Hood, Passion Java, among others. But when it comes to issues of justice and democracy in the country, they suddenly disappear into thin air.

Right now, we currently have the topical case of Makomborero Haruzivishe. He is an outspoken youth who is under an unjustifiably prolonged incarceration and desperately needs some active solidarity from his fellow youths.

Please do not get me wrong, I am not against our youths having some fun; but it must not be at the expense of not just their own future but also for those who will come after them. Our country is currently facing a perennial never-ending political and socio-economic crisis that has no solution in sight.

Worse still, most of the strategic positions of all our three separate arms of State (Executive, Judiciary and Legislature) are clearly being led by geriatrics who have long passed the recommended age of retirement. Honestly, how on earth do our young people expect these old people to be emotionally interested in the long-term prospects of our nation?

Our youths must now wake up from their political slumber. They must take up the challenge of their own generation by actively participating in the national quest to find a lasting solution to the crisis in Zimbabwe. Enough is enough! Our young people must stand up and assume their rightful place in the national development agenda.

2. The Fight for National Inclusion

Zimbabwe is by far a very youthful country. Most of its adult population is currently between the ages of 18 and 40 years. There is no doubt that we have one of the youngest populations not just in Africa but also across the world.

Yet when it comes to inclusion in the key decision-making processes our youths are mostly conspicuous by their absence. We have a disappointing low number of youthful leaders in all key decision-making structures of our country. Our youths are currently officious by-standers in the process of all the key priorities of our nation.

Recently the national Constitution was amended under controversial circumstances but the youths did not actively stand up against this clear abuse of power by the geriatric political elite of this country. In particular, where was the youth outrage when Chief Justice Malaba successfully extended his term by another five years after reaching the original age of retirement?

Where are the youths when the current incumbent at State House openly boasts that he plans to remain in power till after 2030? Yet he will soon be turning 80 years old in 2022; about 20 years over the recommended age of retirement for the civil servants in the country?

A new quota system was also introduced for youthful representatives in the Parliament of Zimbabwe but it was a drop in the ocean. Youths should have actively campaigned for a much higher percentage allocation of seats in Parliament.

Also, with regards to the candidate selection process for the forthcoming elections, the youths are not clearly demanding for a much higher allocation of seats especially when compared to the disappointingly low levels of youthful candidates in the 2018 elections.

3. The Fight to Protect the Electoral Will of the Majorities

By all accounts it seems that the incumbent in Zambia actually tried to rig the elections. However, this time around the youths were more than ready for such political shenanigans. In some cases, they blocked some vehicles that were suspected to be carrying fake ballots meant to boost the poor numbers of the incumbent. They also opted to stay near the polling stations in large numbers and insisted that they were more than ready to react if any attempts were made to tamper the electoral process. Our youths of Zimbabwe normally retreat to their social media platforms. This time around, our youths must use social media platforms such as Twitter and WhatsApp to actively defend the democratic voice of our electorate.

In Zambia, it was said that a large turnout of voters made it impossible for any desperate attempts to rig the elections. Most of the turnout was largely consisting of youthful voters.

But for such a thing to happen in Zimbabwe during 2023, we must first start by witnessing a clear rise in the number of registered voters who are young people. This is more crucial with regards to first time voters. In Zambia, we had a massive increase of the 2021 voter turnout due to the concomitant increase of youthful voters who only got registered after the 2016 elections.

This situation must equally apply in Zimbabwe to enable the youths to play a very decisive role in 2023.

The MDC Alliance national Youth Assembly has already set the ball rolling by launching its own ‘One Million Votes’ campaign. The campaign is still yet to gain full momentum and find real traction with most young people across Zimbabwe. So, efforts need to be stepped up to ensure that the campaign becomes more effective or successful in terms of its impact.

We also need to see other youth led or student led organizations across all political spectrums also launching their own string campaigns to encourage young people not just to register as voters but to also actively participate in the crucial 2023 elections.

Daniel Molokele

Honourable Member of Parliament

Whange Central Constituency

Zimbabwe

“The country will never die; young people will save it.” (Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo)

Congratulations are indeed in order for the people of Zambia who have successfully managed to elect a new President despite all the political odds being heavily weighed against them.

I would also like to wish Hakainde Hichilema, who is affectionately known as HH, a very successful tenure as the next popularly elected President of the land of the mighty Zambezi River, to the north of our border.

The fact that a long-standing opposition leader such as HH, has successfully deposed an incumbent via the ballot process, is not just most welcome news for Zambia but also for the rest of Africa.

This is so, when one considers as to how rare it is for a ruling party to concede its leadership mantle after losing the popular vote. Most ruling parties in Africa actually find easier to simply rig the elections results and unilaterally continue to remain in power.

This has unfortunately adversely affected Africa’s democratic credentials since millions of its electorate have increasingly become disillusioned and have started to lose faith in capacity of the continent to respect the wishes of its electoral majorities.

As such, it is therefore hoped that the ascendancy of HH into power after an electoral victory, will certainly go a long way into restoring millions of Africans trust or belief in democracy or indeed elections as both a viable and sustainable means to effect political power transfer across the continent.

And nowhere will this point resonate most as in the country’s southern African neighbour of Zimbabwe.

Historically speaking, these two countries share a common colonial history. At one stage they were once bound together as the fabled Siamese twins; being known as Southern and Northern Rhodesia. Added to that, both countries once teamed up with Malawi to set up the ill-fated Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland.

It is thus not a surprise that of all the countries across Africa, it is in Zimbabwe that the latest elections results will be the extensively discussed and analyzed especially in the contest of the country’s forthcoming harmonised elections that are due to be held in 2023.

There are various factors that could be used to help explain the impressive victory that the opposition has achieved in Zambia during this past week.

However, I tend to agree mostly with some political analysts who are already explaining that HH actually owes his electoral victory to the young people of Zambia.

You may recall that during 2016, he narrowly lost to the incumbent Edgar Chagwa Lungu (ECL), amid allegations of him rigging the results.

Yet now in 2021, HH has somehow successfully turned the tables against his erstwhile rival.

A closer comparative view at both the 2016 and 2021 elections results clearly show a massive increase of the voter turnout by over a million in terms of numbers.

Further, the results also clearly reveal that within a short period of 5 years, HH did not only manage to overtake ECL, but he also overwhelmingly defeated him by almost a massive million votes.

According to a pre-elections analysis that was recently done by Kennedy Gondwe from the BBC, elections in Zambia are largely influenced by young people, including first-time voters. More than half of the eight million registered voters are under the age of 35. In the past, along with urban dwellers, they have been the bedrock of the Patriotic Front (PF) support.

But amid the economic turmoil, Mr. Lungu and his party can no longer take their votes for granted. “I am not voting for anyone in this election – I am voting for my job. I can’t go four years without a job,” says Silvia Mutila, a 25-year-old unemployed nurse who graduated in 2017.

Nomsa Maseko, who is also part of the BBC News offices at Lusaka also wrote about the crucial role of the Zambian youths; there is certainly no doubt that those political winds of change were ushered in by young people who are often accused of being reluctant to vote. They turned up in high numbers and generally rejected President Edgar Lungu. “We want jobs, young people want jobs,” chanted throngs of people as they filled the streets of the capital shortly after Mr. Hichilema was declared the seventh president of this copper-rich nation.

Further, both the CNN and Reuters also claim in their news reports that the youths of Zambia played a crucial role in the electoral victory for the opposition by asserting that there was a huge turnout of mostly young people, some who came dressed in their academic robes to protest lack of employment post-graduation.

Joseph Kalimbwe, a youth representative of Hichilema’s UPND party told CNN. “Young people gave us the vote. Four million young people between the ages of 18 to 24 registered to vote. It was a huge turnout and it was very personal to them. They want to ensure the mistakes of their parents were corrected. They have voted for our leader on basis he has better policies and ideas and can strengthen our state institutions’’.

A similar view has been propounded by Jonathan Clayton who recently wrote a feature analysis in the Times of England newspaper. In his analysis, he also emphasized that it was the young people of Zambia who led the successful deposition of ECL from the State House.

As such, most of the credit for his landslide victory must be given to the young people of Zambia who took an active role in this year’s historic plebiscite. It really appears that it is indeed, the youths of Zambia who have decisively helped to redefine the political destiny of their country.

And so, for me, the most important lesson from the recent Zambian elections is that the youths of Zimbabwe must now rise up and take an active lead as we prepare for our own 2023 harmonised elections.

It is my considered view that if our young people finally stand up and get counted, we will certainly have Advocate Nelson Chamisa as our next President come 2023.

In this regard, I do have a very clear and unequivocal stance that the 2023 presidential elections will once again be a two-horse race. Forget about all the other pretenders, especially those aligned to the controversial POLAD, that has already proved beyond reasonably doubt to be a mere extension of the incumbent. Ultimately, the real contest will only be between Emmerson Mnangagwa (ED) and Nelson Chamisa.

I can dare say that all the other presidential candidates will be mere political tokens in order to placate the multi-party democratic interests of our country.

Personally, I am convinced that I have already proved myself as a role model to our current generation of young people.

My political journey officially started in July 1995 when l accepted my nomination as the next Secretary General of the University of Zimbabwe students’ union. I was very young back then since l had recently turned 20 years old.

It was also during my fourth month as a first-year student at the Faculty of Law. Yet, l did not hesitate to respond positively to this national call of political duty. Even though it meant that l would not necessarily prioritize my academic studies in favour of my responsibility as a students representative

At that very nascent stage of my political career, l was already capable of appreciating that when it came to building the nation, my personal interests immediately assumed secondary status. I was already clear and unequivocal in my personal stance that whatsoever l set out to do, l must always put my beautiful motherland of Zimbabwe.

I was only 5 years old when Zimbabwe celebrated its inaugural Independence Day in April 1980; but that memorable experience left a lifelong indelible mark in my entire being. Young as l was, l grew up in Zimbabwe in the 1980s with a full appreciation that for the colonial experience to end formally at the Lancaster House conference in December 1979, it had taken thousands of Zimbabweans to sacrifice their lives.

Indeed, for the nation of Zimbabwe to be born, it took many thousands of lives to die. A lot of Zimbabweans, most of them young, had to die both at home and in exile for the new nation to born on 18th April 1980.

It was in such an inspired political context that in July 1995, l fully made up my decision to context in the next Students Representative Council (SRC) elections. And as fate would have it, l was soon elected as the Secretary General of the 1995-96 SRC before l had even written my first major academic exams at the university.

Later on, l accepted my nomination to be the Acting President in April 1996 when l was barely 21 years old.

Then in October 1996 l further accepted my nomination to be the next President of the University of Zimbabwe students’ union. I eventually contested and lost the said elections. But still, I gracefully agreed to serve the students union as its Vice President under the presidency of the late Learnmore Jongwe.

In April 1998, l was once again nominated and then elected as the next President of the UZ students’ union. I was only 23 years old.

Added to that, since July 1996 l had also played a leading role in the process of reviving the Zimbabwe National Students Union (ZINASU) in my capacity as the Acting President of the UZ students’ union. This process culminated in my election as the revived ZINASU Vice President in February 1997. Once again, l dutifully served my nation as a deputy to the late Learnmore Jongwe, who was elected as the President at the same Congress. I was only 22 years old.

But why am l writing about my early days or humble beginnings as a students leader?

My point is very simple.

We are never too young to start our lifelong journey of serving our beloved nation.

Our youths of Zimbabwe today must be challenged by the yesteryear generations that were led by the likes of the late Joshua Nkomo who responded positively to the call of national duty in their youthful days.

Our youths of Zimbabwe today must be inspired by the likes of Nelson Mandela who also took up the challenge of their generation to dismantle the racist apartheid regime.

Our youths of Zimbabwe today must learn from the class of 1976 in Soweto that played a catalytic role in the struggle to end apartheid in South Africa.

Our youths of Zimbabwe today must be challenged by the generation that was led by the famous students leader, President AGO Mutambara who in the late 1980s stood up and faced the challenge of their generation to fight the One-Party State agenda and also confront excessive corruption as evinced by the Willowgate Scandal.

Our youths of Zimbabwe today must learn from our own generation in the late 1990s which got actively involved in the key political events that helped to define the political destiny of our country.

Indeed, when the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) was launched in 1997, my generation and I were actively involved. I was actually one of the student leaders who used to attend its National Taskforce meetings that were chaired by the late President Morgan Tsvangirai.

Also, when the Movement for Democratic Change was launched in September 1999, my own generation as led by the late Learnmore Jongwe was also there in the thick of action.

Our youths of Zimbabwe today must also learn from the youths of Zambia who have in the past week helped to redefine the political direction of their country.

Our youths of Zimbabwe today must emulate those from Zambia by making sure that with immediate effect they step up their active involvement in the following three crucial political fights.

1.    The Fight for National Awareness and Consciousness

It is very sad and disappointing to take note of the low level of political consciousness among the youths of Zimbabwe today. There is currently a disturbingly high level of political apathy among most of our young people. It seems as if most of them have by now already given up on their ability to influence the country’s future by playing an active role in matters of national importance.

Indeed, most youths seem to be more enchanted by the distractive penchants of socialites such as Madam Boss, Mai Titi, Sandra Ndebele, Pokello Nare, Kikky Badass, Njuzu, Mudiwa Hood, Passion Java, among others. But when it comes to issues of justice and democracy in the country, they suddenly disappear into thin air.

Right now, we currently have the topical case of Makomborero Haruzivishe. He is an outspoken youth who is under an unjustifiably prolonged incarceration and desperately needs some active solidarity from his fellow youths.

Please do not get me wrong, I am not against our youths having some fun; but it must not be at the expense of not just their own future but also for those who will come after them. Our country is currently facing a perennial never-ending political and socio-economic crisis that has no solution in sight.

Worse still, most of the strategic positions of all our three separate arms of State (Executive, Judiciary and Legislature) are clearly being led by geriatrics who have long passed the recommended age of retirement. Honestly, how on earth do our young people expect these old people to be emotionally interested in the long-term prospects of our nation?

Our youths must now wake up from their political slumber. They must take up the challenge of their own generation by actively participating in the national quest to find a lasting solution to the crisis in Zimbabwe. Enough is enough! Our young people must stand up and assume their rightful place in the national development agenda.

2.    The Fight for National Inclusion

Zimbabwe is by far a very youthful country. Most of its adult population is currently between the ages of 18 and 40 years. There is no doubt that we have one of the youngest populations not just in Africa but also across the world.

Yet when it comes to inclusion in the key decision-making processes our youths are mostly conspicuous by their absence. We have a disappointing low number of youthful leaders in all key decision-making structures of our country. Our youths are currently officious by-standers in the process of all the key priorities of our nation.

Recently the national Constitution was amended under controversial circumstances but the youths did not actively stand up against this clear abuse of power by the geriatric political elite of this country. In particular, where was the youth outrage when Chief Justice Malaba successfully extended his term by another five years after reaching the original age of retirement?

Where are the youths when the current incumbent at State House openly boasts that he plans to remain in power till after 2030? Yet he will soon be turning 80 years old in 2022; about 20 years over the recommended age of retirement for the civil servants in the country?

A new quota system was also introduced for youthful representatives in the Parliament of Zimbabwe but it was a drop in the ocean. Youths should have actively campaigned for a much higher percentage allocation of seats in Parliament.

Also, with regards to the candidate selection process for the forthcoming elections, the youths are not clearly demanding for a much higher allocation of seats especially when compared to the disappointingly low levels of youthful candidates in the 2018 elections.

3.    The Fight to Protect the Electoral Will of the Majorities

By all accounts it seems that the incumbent in Zambia actually tried to rig the elections. However, this time around the youths were more than ready for such political shenanigans. In some cases, they blocked some vehicles that were suspected to be carrying fake ballots meant to boost the poor numbers of the incumbent. They also opted to stay near the polling stations in large numbers and insisted that they were more than ready to react if any attempts were made to tamper the electoral process. Our youths of Zimbabwe normally retreat to their social media platforms. This time around, our youths must use social media platforms such as Twitter and WhatsApp to actively defend the democratic voice of our electorate.

In Zambia, it was said that a large turnout of voters made it impossible for any desperate attempts to rig the elections. Most of the turnout was largely consisting of youthful voters.

But for such a thing to happen in Zimbabwe during 2023, we must first start by witnessing a clear rise in the number of registered voters who are young people. This is more crucial with regards to first time voters. In Zambia, we had a massive increase of the 2021 voter turnout due to the concomitant increase of youthful voters who only got registered after the 2016 elections.

This situation must equally apply in Zimbabwe to enable the youths to play a very decisive role in 2023.

The MDC Alliance national Youth Assembly has already set the ball rolling by launching its own ‘One Million Votes’ campaign. The campaign is still yet to gain full momentum and find real traction with most young people across Zimbabwe. So, efforts need to be stepped up to ensure that the campaign becomes more effective or successful in terms of its impact.

We also need to see other youth led or student led organizations across all political spectrums also launching their own string campaigns to encourage young people not just to register as voters but to also actively participate in the crucial 2023 elections.

—

Daniel Molokele

Honourable Member of Parliament

Whange Central Constituency

Zimbabwe

ZHOCD is an Ecumenical Platform Not an Individual Person

….. In Response to Jamwanda’s Comments: An Insider Perspective

By Dr Tinashe Gumbo

My Ecumenical Background

I have been in the ecumenical movement for almost two decades now. I got to know that ecumenism, is when Christians who belong to different Christian denominations work together to develop closer relationships among their members for the promotion of Christian unity. In an ecumenical platform, key decisions are made collectively and once in the public domain, no one member can be singled out as having been the sole decider over an issue. This is what happens in the Zimbabwe Heads of Christian Denominations (ZHOCD). Reader, you may also want to note the existence of other ecumenical platforms beyond Zimbabwe, such as the Fellowship of Christian Councils in Southern Africa (FOCCISA); All Africa Conference of Churches (AACC) and the World Council of Churches (WCC), in order to fully appreciate the work of ecumenical bodies.

My Objective

This brief article is motivated a) indirectly by my obligation to educate the public about ecumenism in Zimbabwe b) directly by the need to respond to the words of one, Jamwanda, whose twitter account is purported to be run by a Senior Public Official, regarding the latest ZHOCD Statement on the partial reopening of Churches. While the statement was generally accepted by the public as objective and evidence-based, one, Jamwanda singled out Rev Dr Kenneth Mtata and unfairly attacked his person over the same statement. Yet, the statement in question is a collective product of ZHOCD not a single leader.

The views expressed here are purely mine and should not be linked to any institution associated with my name professionally, academically or socially. However, I need to indicate that if indeed, Jamwanda’s account is run by the purported Official, it is very unfortunate because I admired the Official so much as I was growing up because of his intellectual capacity. Today, I felt compelled to respond to some utterances channelled through this twitter account.

The ZHOCD

The ZHOCD is an ecumenical platform that brings together four mother bodies namely theZimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC), the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops’ Conference (ZCBC), the Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe (EFZ), and the Union of the Development of Apostolic Churches in Zimbabwe Africa (UDACIZA). Together, these Christian bodies represent more than 80% of the Zimbabwean population (ZHOCD Consensus Call Proposal, 2021). This makes it a major player in Zimbabwe’s public life. The platform has its origins in the Heads of Denominations (HoD), a loose coalition established in the early missionary periods when the various heads of denominations came together to coordinate their policy in engagement with the state and in sharing perspectives on how missionary work could be executed.

The current leadership of the ZHOCD makes decisions collectively and by consensus. The political leadership (the Bishops: Mangwiro, Khanye, Muparutsa and Ndlovu) and the General Secretaries offer policy guidance to the Church in Zimbabwe on critical national issues affecting the membership including public health.

The ZCBC is the current Chair of the ZHOCD through Arch Bishop Ndlovu, being deputised by the EFZ represented by Bishop Muparutsa while the ZCC is the Secretariat. The greatest strength of the platform is its geographical and numerical spread. The local structures of the ZHOCD are known by various names within the respective ecumenical bodies. These are local ecumenical fellowships, local peace committees, ecumenical environment champions, ecumenical health champions, ecumenical communicators and ecumenical researchers. These are dotted across the country, ready to inform any key ZHOCD national decision. The technical team of the platform offers the technical support to the local structures as they fulfill their daily tasks.

Ecumenical COVID-19 Work

When the world was hit by the deadly COVID-19 pandemic, the Church quickly consulted its members through the ecumenical bodies for a thorough scenario mapping exercise. This informed how the Church would prepare its membership and the public at large in dealing with COVID-19. The Church went on to raise awareness in order to prevent the spread of the virus. The leadership of the Church has continued to encourage members to be fully vaccinated and remain compliant to all COVID-19 protocols. This was and is being extensively done through the Church structures and its networks including the media.

The Church further implemented its treatment care and support interventions through provision of pyscho social support to its members as well as materially supporting its mission hospitals with protective personal equipment. WASH and other humanitarian interventions were fulfilled. Meanwhile, the Church also assisted the public through analysing and simplifying the various key policy and legal instruments crafted and implemented by the Government. It further offered to give policy support through participation in official structures such as the COVID-19 Taskforces at local level. Above all, the Church coordinated its members across the country for effective and efficient response to the pandemic including turning Church premises into COVID-19 Isolation centres. This work has continued for almost a year and a half now. This background information is crucial for one to understand the latest ZHOCD statement on partial reopening of Churches.

Statement on Partial Opening of Churches

On the 11th of August 2021, the Government announced that Churches could physically meet for worship on condition that only those fully vaccinated should be in attendance and that services are conducted with full compliance to the World Health Organisation regulations. The Church responded through a statement advising its members to comply. However, the communication was also meant to make some recommendations to the Government based on some clear theological and practical considerations made through consultation with the congregants. The Church communication was well received by stakeholders, including the Government, media, private actors and individuals.

However, Jamwanda decided to take a different route through his or “her” social media account. As cited in one of the online publications, Jamwanda responded to the statement through a direct and personal attack of one of the Clergymen within the ZHOCD ranks and files, Rev Mtata who is the General Secretary of the ZCC. Jamwanda equated Rev Mtata to the Biblical Pharisees who are known for their hypocrisy. He or “she” acknowledges that Rev Mtata was part of the first crop of Church leaders who positively received the vaccination exercise when it was adopted by Government. However, Jamwanda presents that move by Rev Mtata as “privatising salvation and long life” by the ZCC General Secretary. Without giving evidence, Jamwanda further accuses Rev Mtata as having political ambitions, of being selfish and having failed to provide leadership to the Church. Most damaging was the accusation that Rev Mtata advised his constituency not to respect the Government directive on partial reopening of Churches on condition of full vaccination. This is not true, and even Jamwanda himself or “herself” knows that! Kusvibisa munhu for nothing. But why?

Rev Mtata’s Clear Record on Vaccination

For the record, after he had been vaccinated, Rev Mtata encouraged Church leaders to follow suit voluntarily. Indeed, the public will be reminded of Rev Mtata’s public utterances on his personal and even official ZCC twitter handles, encouraging the public (beyond the Church) to be vaccinated. He presided over a number of conferences and seminars where he raised awareness regarding the need to give vaccination exercise a chance. Moreover, after issuance of the latest ZHOCD statement, Rev Mtata went public on both print and electronic media to explain the Church’s communication. Even the Vice Chairperson of ZHOCD, Bishop Muparutsa appeared on our television during news time explaining the Church’s statement on 12 August. Records will certainly prove Jamwanda wrong on his or “her” accusation.

To single out Rev Mtata as the sole composer of the ZHOCD statement is tantamount to reducing the whole ecumenical platform to an individual. This can’t be! Some generous historians have provided evidence which shows that each time ZHOCD reacts positively to Government pronouncements, Jamwanda quickly comes in to spoil the party, particularly through targeting Rev Mtata’s person. The reason is not yet known though! What could be the background to this personal “hatred”?

Collective Decisions

Remember, in ZHOCD decisions are made collectively and by consensus. In any case, all ZHOCD statements are informed by consultative processes. On 12 August 2021, on behalf of the Church, I personally led the ZCC side of the ZHOCD platform in consolidating the feedback from the Local Ecumenical Fellowships, while my counterparts did the same in their constituencies. This is the data that subsequently informed the final ZHOCD statement, one which for me was well balanced and providing critical recommendations to Government. The statement acknowledged the need for the congregants to comply with the Government regulation but also raised concern that the Church should have been consulted by the authorities before publicly announcing the conditions for Church reopening. These are legitimate concerns that did not deserve Jamwanda’s negative comments targeted at an individual member of a whole platform.

Paragraph 3 of the ZHOCD statement says: “Theologically, the Church is an open and welcoming space for everyone with no restrictions. No one qualifies for Church service as it is a place of God’s grace. The Church will find it very difficult to turn people home because they do not have a vaccination certificate. However, would it be responsible to meet in an uncontrolled environment where possibilities of spreading the virus are high?”

Clearly, this is an objective point put across by the Church. This is supported by an equally objective point in paragraph 4 where practical challenges are raised. Of critical importance though, is the fact that the Church provided progressive recommendations in paragraphs 5.1 to 5.5 targeted at the Church and the Government. There is absolutely nothing in the statement where one advises congregants to disregard the Government directive. Thus, Jamwanda’s personal attacks at Rev Mtata were unfortunate, unsubstantiated and at most unfair.

Yet, I am particularly impressed by the level of accountability and transparency being exhibited by the current ZHOCD leadership. The General Secretaries, Rev Mtata, Pastor Blessing Makwara, Father Fredrick Chiromba and Rev Edison Tsvakai will go down in history as a team that has managed to nurture ecumenism in Zimbabwe. The team always consults its political and grassroots leadership on any decision that has to be made. Some of us have actually enjoyed working under the current ZHOCD leadership as we continue to promote the lightness and saltiness of the Church in Zimbabwe.