By Wilbert Mukori | If there is one thing the ordinary Zimbabweans do NOT want right now is to be dragged into yet another meaningless election process whose outcome will be to confirm the corrupt, dysfunctional and tyrannical Zanu PF dictatorship. And yet this is exactly what the MDC factions are hell bend on doing!

It was 2004 to 2007 USA ambassador to Zimbabwe, Chris Dell, who foretold in a leaked cable back to Washington that Morgan Tsvangirai was “a flawed and indecisive character who would be an albatross round Zimbabwe’s neck, if he ever got into power!” 

Tsvangirai and his MDC friends did get into power the following year, the 2008 to 2013 GNU, and have been the country’s main opposition party ever since. And ever since the GNU, MDC leaders have been the dead-weight weighing the nation down in every sense. 

Morgan Tsvangirai and his MDC friends’ primary task in the GNU was to implement the raft of democratic reforms agreed in the 2008 Global Political Agreement (GPA). SADC leaders, as the guarantor of the GPA, did their best to remind MDC leaders to implement the reforms but were ignored. MDC failed to implement even one token reform in five years.

In a desperate last minute attempt to stop another rigged Zimbabwe elections, SADC leaders told Tsvangirai and company not to participate in the upcoming July 2013 elections until reforms are implemented. 

“In 2013 the Maputo Summit, in June 2013, before the elections, the Maputo Summit was all about having the elections postponed – the SADC summit. I went there,” Dr Ibbo Mandaza told Journalist Violet Gonda.

“And after that Summit, Morgan Tsvangirai, Tendai Biti, Welshman Ncube, all of them were called to a separate meeting by the Heads of State of SADC in the absence of Mugabe, that same evening. They were told ‘if you go into elections next month, you are going to lose; the elections are done’.”

MDC leaders themselves agreed with the SADC leaders on the futility of participating in a flawed election process. They once again ignored SADC leaders’ sound advice out of greed, as David Coltart admitted in his book.

In his Book, gave details of how Zanu PF was flouting the electoral rules in the upcoming 2013 elections. It was clear the elections would not be free, fair and credible.

“The worst aspect for me about the failure to agree a coalition was that both MDCs couldn’t now do the obvious – withdraw from the (2013) elections,” wrote David Coltart in his book, The Struggle Continues 50 years of Tyranny in Zimbabwe.

“The electoral process was so flawed, so illegal, that the only logical step was to withdraw, which would compel SADC to hold Zanu PF to account. But such was the distrust between the MDC-T and MDC-N that neither could withdraw for fear that the other would remain in the elections, winning seats and giving the process credibility.”

David Coltart was an MDC – Ncube Senator and Minister of Education in the 2008 to 2013 GNU. Four MDC factions did come together to form the MDC Alliance (MDC A) before the 2018 elections. As we know the Alliance did participate in that year’s election knowing fully well that Zanu PF was rigging the elections. 

The MDC A has once again split into two main factions, MDC A led by Nelson Chamisa and MDC T led by Douglas Mwonzora. The two factions are set on participating in the 2023 elections with no reforms in place! MDC is the albatross around Zimbabwe’s neck, giving legitimacy to the vote rigging Zanu PF! 

Alex T Magaisa, one of the proponents of participating in the 2023 elections with no reforms, does not deny that Zanu PF without implement the reforms Zanu PF will rig the elections. 

“At present, the framing of “political reforms” is that they are dependent on what ZANU PF, as the ruling party, should do to improve the electoral system and environment. The idea is that such reforms would produce a fairer system that would assist in achieving legitimate electoral outcomes. However, most observers agree that ZANU PF has no incentive to implement such reforms. Therefore, the chances of achieving political reforms under the ZANU PF regime are remote,” wrote Magaisa, in Zimeye.

“It is important to take a fresh look at the nature of political reforms. I argue that as the biggest and most formidable opposition party, the MDC Alliance should within for political reforms that would make it a better and more effective force against a seemingly intractable regime.

“An effective anti-rigging strategy is having eyes and ears on the ground during the election process. This simply means there must be election agents at each polling station. You cannot prevent rigging unless you have people at each polling station.”

Of course, this is a foolish argument based on the assumption that vote rigging is limited to what happens at the polling station. It is common knowledge that Zanu PF denied 3 million Zimbabweans in the diaspora the right to register and to vote in the 2018 elections. 

ZEC also failed to produce something as basic as a verified voters’ roll, a legal and common sense requirement. Without a verified voters’ roll one cannot trace and verified anything and there is no limit to vote rigging mischief one can get up to. 

For the record, Alex Magaisa was Morgan Tsvangirai and MDC -T special advisor during the GNU. Since MDC failed to implement even one reform during the GNU and went on to participate in the July 2013 elections against the advice of SADC leaders; one can only imagine what foolish advice he gave the party. 

After 41 years of rigged elections it really is insane to be participate in yet another flawed and illegal elections process on the basis of some ill-conceived “strategy to win rigged elections.” 

The people of Zimbabwe have risked life and limb, over 500 were murdered by Zanu PF during the 2008 run-off alone, to elect MDC leaders into office on the understanding the party will implement the reforms. MDC leaders have failed to implement even one reform in 20 years! 

The truth is MDC leaders have sold-out on reforms and free, fair and credible elections. They have settled for the few gravy train seats Zanu PF gives away to entice the opposition to participate in elections. 

The MDC leaders’ justification for continued participation in flawed and illegal election is that they can win rigged elections if they unite and are better organised. 

By participating in these flawed and illegal elections MDC are giving the process credibility and the the vote rigging Zanu PF legitimacy. 

SADC leaders would have refused to endorse Zanu PF’s election victory in 2013 if MDC had boycotted the elections, after all it was the region leaders who had asked MDC to boycott the election until reforms were implemented. By insisting on participating in the election with no reforms, MDC left SADC leaders with no choice but to accept the process will be flawed and illegal.

Zimbabweans should have joined SADC leaders in demanding that MDC leaders did not to participate in the 2013 elections until the reforms were implemented. We did not and have paid dearly for making that mistake. 

Zimbabweans must be first off the mark in demanding the full implementation of the democratic reform to ensure free, fair and credible elections. We must reject the nonsensical argument that the opposition can come up with strategies to win rigged elections. 

We do not want rigged elections. We want free, fair and credible elections. Period! 

In the 2023 elections go ahead with no reforms in place then the plebiscite must and will be declared null and void. If Zanu PF cannot implement the reforms the nation will find others who will! – SOURCE: zimbabwelight.blogspot.com

5th Edition

21 February 2021

COVID-19 Vaccination – Whither to?

This weekly publication is meant to inform fellow citizens on various matters concerning the deadly covid-19 pandemic, and to facilitate informed decisions by every single one of us. Today we continue to examine the issue of the covid-19 vaccine to see if we could do better as a nation than what we have done so far.

Now that 200 000 doses of Sinopharm vaccine are here, have we arrived? Are we going to continue to procure more Sinopharm vaccines? How should Zimbabwe proceed to maximize benefit from the availability of vaccines against Covid-19 from various manufacturers and diverse technologies? What is the way forward? These are some of the questions that urgently beg an answer.

The arrival of the Sinopharm vaccine is only but the beginning. Whether we started well or not, and whether or not the processes leading to the arrival of the Sinopharm vaccine were correct, can no longer be undone. We now need to focus on the way forward, and this is what we are going to dwell on today.

Moving forward, there is need for government to carry the people with it. Transparency is key in all processes for the vaccination program to work. The government cannot just say, “If you don’t want to take the vaccine, you are free to opt out”, NO! Hear the people out and address their fears and concerns, and address all the conspiracy theories scientifically, as best we know how to. Zimbabweans deserve better, and information is key. In this process, we must immunize against corruption, wrong executive decisions propelled by greed and avarice, and the devaluation of the lives of the people of Zimbabwe through intransigence and autocracy.

Let me lay out upfront the concerns of the people of Zimbabwe before we move on. Firstly, the government in Harare is notorious for corruption, ranking 157 out of 180 countries in a recent Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) report. We are in the top of the league. We therefore demand transparency from government on how they chose the vaccine, and how much they are paying for it. This irregular vaccine procurement can be used for looting the already moribund treasury. Our comment has nothing to do with the vaccine being Chinese per se, but we are just demanding accountability from the government, which is our due.

History tends to repeat itself. A considerable portion of the public health community in Zimbabwe is worried that government is not paying attention to the recommendations of the “National Immunization Technical Advisory Group” (ZimNITAG). Sadly this confirms that our decisions are not science driven and do not have the nation at heart.

Next, we demand information. How are the field trials going to be conducted? What information is going to be collected? When do we expect results of the field trials, which will inform us as individuals on whether to take the vaccine or not. We need transparency on why government is collecting samples as they vaccinate. What are we studying?

We need transparency on what other vaccines are coming, when and how much? We need transparency on the cost of all the vaccines. We need to raise awareness and educate the people about these vaccines. The World Health Organisation (WHO) is still assessing data submitted by Sinopharm and has not yet issued emergency use authorization (EUA) for this vaccine. It looks like such approval may only come in March at the earliest as it remains unclear why we rushed to get a vaccine that WHO has not yet okayed. We are however aware that countries like the UAE have done their own Phase 3 trials on this vaccine and have issued their own EUA. We must likewise be diligent to do our own field trials and keep the nation adequately informed as it is important to examine all options on the market.

What role is Parliament playing in terms of oversight in all these corruption prone processes, including choice of vaccine, procurement, logistics and distribution? Does the government not perceive a need to do extensive stakeholder consultations to distil the wisdom of the population and to get buy-in?

Now let us look at what government should be looking for as they choose vaccines to use in Zimbabwe. If we are going to spend money, let us spend it on something that works for our people.

1. SAFETY: The golden rule here is, first do no harm. We continue to emphasise the importance of properly conducted clinical trials in the field, to detect adverse events. Thereafter continued post-marketing surveillance is important to detect rare adverse events. A thorough risk-benefit analysis must be done for every vaccine candidate.

2. EFFICACY: This is a measure of the ability of the vaccine to prevent disease in the target population. The gold standard for measuring this is Randomized Controlled Trials in healthy populations. With the South African variant firmly established in Zimbabwe, it is important to document the efficacy of the Sinopharm vaccine before we spend any more money on it, and this applies to any other vaccine that we may consider to bring in. We aver that the 200 000 doses donation is adequate to conduct conclusive trials on the efficacy of the Sinopharm vaccine before we buy anymore.

3. EFFECTIVENESS: This is a measure of the total protection that we get through programmatic implementation, and depends not only on the efficacy of the vaccine, but on other parameters like the actual vaccine storage (do Zimbabwe fridges work?), transportation, preparation and administration of the vaccine, fairness of the roll out plan, and completeness of coverage. Indirect effects like herd immunity will amplify effectiveness of the vaccine to protect even those who have not been vaccinated. We are generally worried about the state of our cold chain infrastructure and equipment, staff morale and training, and vehicles & staff for mobile outreach services. The reported statement by the Zimbabwe Nurses Association does not inspire confidence, and government should take the requests of health workers seriously. This will negatively affect the effectiveness of our vaccination program.

4. VACCINE PRODUCT CHARACTERISTICS: Storage and transportation requirements differ among vaccines. In Zimbabwe, we are better off taking only those vaccines that are stored and transported at normal refrigerator temperatures (2oC – 8oC). Pfizer seems to be reviewing the low temperature requirement for their vaccine, and it seems this was done out of an abundance of caution. We need to keep our ears to the ground, as this is a developing story.

Having to reconstitute a vaccine before administration increases the workload for health workers and vaccines that come in solution are easier and quicker to administer. There are many other vaccine characteristics to consider (e.g. wastage rate, demand for syringes and needles, presentation and packaging, etc) and these are well explained on the WHO website. The Technical Advisory Group (NITAG) mentioned earlier is the one best placed to advise government on vaccine choice, and government must pay attention. Of note is the number of doses required to fully immunize an individual. The Johnson and Johnson (J & J) vaccine requires only one dose for full immunization, and this is a great advantage when we look at the issue of completing an immunization schedule. South Africa has started rolling out the J & J single dose vaccine and there could be something for us to emulate right there. Remember 61% of our virus is the South African variant.

5. COST: This is extremely important. Information we have is that the Sinopharm vaccine is more expensive than most other vaccines on the market, including the single dose of the J & J vaccine mentioned earlier. One BBC report said “It’s not clear how much it might cost, but earlier this year, a BBC team in the Chinese city of Yiwu saw that nurses were administering the injections for a fee of around 400 Yuan ($60; £45)”

this be true, then we would like to know why Zimbabwe government chose this one, compared to the Astra-Zeneca @ $4 per dose, or Johnson and Johnson at $10 per dose. Furthermore, there is the COVAX and the African Union facilities for pooled procurement, which will make vaccines a lot cheaper and more available. It boggles the mind why our government was dithering on the issue of subscribing to these facilities when the benefits are clear. That brings the suspicion of intent to defraud the people by forming cartels, which no one can audit.

6. Finally, AVAILABILITY of the vaccine is critical and self-explanatory.
In conclusion, we want to thank The People’s Republic of China for their generous donation. We further want to implore the government to do the due diligent studies on the Sinopharm vaccine safety and efficacy before purchasing any, and to consider other suitable alternatives like the single dose Johnson and Johnson vaccine. This we mention specifically because it is already in use in RSA, we have the same viral strains (61%), and we are really one people on one land mass. We need to coordinate our efforts because inefficacy in RSA means inefficacy in Zimbabwe, since our people travel a lot. We further implore the executive to take advice from the ZimNITAG, and submit to the oversight function of parliament particularly in procurement decisions. Government must engage us the people and give feedback continuously. With covid-19, no one is safe until we are all safe.

Dr Henry Madzorera
Secretary for Heath and Child Welfare
MDC Alliance

5th Edition

21 February 2021

COVID-19 Vaccination – Whither to?

This weekly publication is meant to inform fellow citizens on various matters concerning the deadly covid-19 pandemic, and to facilitate informed decisions by every single one of us. Today we continue to examine the issue of the covid-19 vaccine to see if we could do better as a nation than what we have done so far.

Now that 200 000 doses of Sinopharm vaccine are here, have we arrived? Are we going to continue to procure more Sinopharm vaccines? How should Zimbabwe proceed to maximize benefit from the availability of vaccines against Covid-19 from various manufacturers and diverse technologies? What is the way forward? These are some of the questions that urgently beg an answer.

The arrival of the Sinopharm vaccine is only but the beginning. Whether we started well or not, and whether or not the processes leading to the arrival of the Sinopharm vaccine were correct, can no longer be undone. We now need to focus on the way forward, and this is what we are going to dwell on today.

Moving forward, there is need for government to carry the people with it. Transparency is key in all processes for the vaccination program to work. The government cannot just say, “If you don’t want to take the vaccine, you are free to opt out”, NO! Hear the people out and address their fears and concerns, and address all the conspiracy theories scientifically, as best we know how to. Zimbabweans deserve better, and information is key. In this process, we must immunize against corruption, wrong executive decisions propelled by greed and avarice, and the devaluation of the lives of the people of Zimbabwe through intransigence and autocracy.

Let me lay out upfront the concerns of the people of Zimbabwe before we move on. Firstly, the government in Harare is notorious for corruption, ranking 157 out of 180 countries in a recent Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) report. We are in the top of the league. We therefore demand transparency from government on how they chose the vaccine, and how much they are paying for it. This irregular vaccine procurement can be used for looting the already moribund treasury. Our comment has nothing to do with the vaccine being Chinese per se, but we are just demanding accountability from the government, which is our due.

History tends to repeat itself. A considerable portion of the public health community in Zimbabwe is worried that government is not paying attention to the recommendations of the “National Immunization Technical Advisory Group” (ZimNITAG). Sadly this confirms that our decisions are not science driven and do not have the nation at heart.

Next, we demand information. How are the field trials going to be conducted? What information is going to be collected? When do we expect results of the field trials, which will inform us as individuals on whether to take the vaccine or not. We need transparency on why government is collecting samples as they vaccinate. What are we studying?

We need transparency on what other vaccines are coming, when and how much? We need transparency on the cost of all the vaccines. We need to raise awareness and educate the people about these vaccines. The World Health Organisation (WHO) is still assessing data submitted by Sinopharm and has not yet issued emergency use authorization (EUA) for this vaccine. It looks like such approval may only come in March at the earliest as it remains unclear why we rushed to get a vaccine that WHO has not yet okayed. We are however aware that countries like the UAE have done their own Phase 3 trials on this vaccine and have issued their own EUA. We must likewise be diligent to do our own field trials and keep the nation adequately informed as it is important to examine all options on the market.

What role is Parliament playing in terms of oversight in all these corruption prone processes, including choice of vaccine, procurement, logistics and distribution? Does the government not perceive a need to do extensive stakeholder consultations to distil the wisdom of the population and to get buy-in?

Now let us look at what government should be looking for as they choose vaccines to use in Zimbabwe. If we are going to spend money, let us spend it on something that works for our people.

1. SAFETY: The golden rule here is, first do no harm. We continue to emphasise the importance of properly conducted clinical trials in the field, to detect adverse events. Thereafter continued post-marketing surveillance is important to detect rare adverse events. A thorough risk-benefit analysis must be done for every vaccine candidate.

2. EFFICACY: This is a measure of the ability of the vaccine to prevent disease in the target population. The gold standard for measuring this is Randomized Controlled Trials in healthy populations. With the South African variant firmly established in Zimbabwe, it is important to document the efficacy of the Sinopharm vaccine before we spend any more money on it, and this applies to any other vaccine that we may consider to bring in. We aver that the 200 000 doses donation is adequate to conduct conclusive trials on the efficacy of the Sinopharm vaccine before we buy anymore.

3. EFFECTIVENESS: This is a measure of the total protection that we get through programmatic implementation, and depends not only on the efficacy of the vaccine, but on other parameters like the actual vaccine storage (do Zimbabwe fridges work?), transportation, preparation and administration of the vaccine, fairness of the roll out plan, and completeness of coverage. Indirect effects like herd immunity will amplify effectiveness of the vaccine to protect even those who have not been vaccinated. We are generally worried about the state of our cold chain infrastructure and equipment, staff morale and training, and vehicles & staff for mobile outreach services. The reported statement by the Zimbabwe Nurses Association does not inspire confidence, and government should take the requests of health workers seriously. This will negatively affect the effectiveness of our vaccination program.

4. VACCINE PRODUCT CHARACTERISTICS: Storage and transportation requirements differ among vaccines. In Zimbabwe, we are better off taking only those vaccines that are stored and transported at normal refrigerator temperatures (2oC – 8oC). Pfizer seems to be reviewing the low temperature requirement for their vaccine, and it seems this was done out of an abundance of caution. We need to keep our ears to the ground, as this is a developing story.

Having to reconstitute a vaccine before administration increases the workload for health workers and vaccines that come in solution are easier and quicker to administer. There are many other vaccine characteristics to consider (e.g. wastage rate, demand for syringes and needles, presentation and packaging, etc) and these are well explained on the WHO website. The Technical Advisory Group (NITAG) mentioned earlier is the one best placed to advise government on vaccine choice, and government must pay attention. Of note is the number of doses required to fully immunize an individual. The Johnson and Johnson (J & J) vaccine requires only one dose for full immunization, and this is a great advantage when we look at the issue of completing an immunization schedule. South Africa has started rolling out the J & J single dose vaccine and there could be something for us to emulate right there. Remember 61% of our virus is the South African variant.

5. COST: This is extremely important. Information we have is that the Sinopharm vaccine is more expensive than most other vaccines on the market, including the single dose of the J & J vaccine mentioned earlier. One BBC report said “It’s not clear how much it might cost, but earlier this year, a BBC team in the Chinese city of Yiwu saw that nurses were administering the injections for a fee of around 400 Yuan ($60; £45)”

this be true, then we would like to know why Zimbabwe government chose this one, compared to the Astra-Zeneca @ $4 per dose, or Johnson and Johnson at $10 per dose. Furthermore, there is the COVAX and the African Union facilities for pooled procurement, which will make vaccines a lot cheaper and more available. It boggles the mind why our government was dithering on the issue of subscribing to these facilities when the benefits are clear. That brings the suspicion of intent to defraud the people by forming cartels, which no one can audit.

6. Finally, AVAILABILITY of the vaccine is critical and self-explanatory.
In conclusion, we want to thank The People’s Republic of China for their generous donation. We further want to implore the government to do the due diligent studies on the Sinopharm vaccine safety and efficacy before purchasing any, and to consider other suitable alternatives like the single dose Johnson and Johnson vaccine. This we mention specifically because it is already in use in RSA, we have the same viral strains (61%), and we are really one people on one land mass. We need to coordinate our efforts because inefficacy in RSA means inefficacy in Zimbabwe, since our people travel a lot. We further implore the executive to take advice from the ZimNITAG, and submit to the oversight function of parliament particularly in procurement decisions. Government must engage us the people and give feedback continuously. With covid-19, no one is safe until we are all safe.

Dr Henry Madzorera
Secretary for Heath and Child Welfare
MDC Alliance

MDC Alliance Youth Assembly Condemns Senseless Arrest Of Our Mash West Leadership

20-02-2020

MDC Alliance Youth Assembly strongly condemns the senseless and barbarian manner in which our Mashonaland West leadership were ‘arrested’ by gun totting soldiers in company of the police.

It is shocking that the unrepentant regime of Emmerson Mnangagwa which is hiding under the veil of Covid-19 regulations continue to weaponize the pandemic against opposition members.

This time the police preferred a shameful charge that the Mashonaland West PAC leadership were having “an illegal gathering”.

It is mind boggling how 10 people observing social distance and wearing masks in a meeting at their own party offices could be said to be having an illegal gathering.

Ironically just over a week ago, ZANU PF held its own internal party elections to replace the late Ellen Gwaradzimba with over 30 delegates attending Manicaland held event.

Clearly there is selective application of the law bend on suffocating the opposition from having their own processes.

The arrest of Mash West PAC leadership comes hotly after the arrest of Youth Assembly National Executive Committee member, Makomborero Haruzivishe who was today denied bail by a Harare Magistrate.

It is clear that the junta has upped their repression gear and the only normal response is for us to up our resistance gear.

Our choices in face of incessant attacks on our liberties are very much limited.

Either we defy or die!

DefyOrDie

FreeOurLeaders

Stephen Sarkozy Chuma_
MDC Alliance Youth MDC Alliance Youth Assembly Condemns Senseless Arrest Of Our Mash West Leadership

20-02-2020

MDC Alliance Youth Assembly strongly condemns the senseless and barbarian manner in which our Mashonaland West leadership were ‘arrested’ by gun totting soldiers in company of the police.

It is shocking that the unrepentant regime of Emmerson Mnangagwa which is hiding under the veil of Covid-19 regulations continue to weaponize the pandemic against opposition members.

This time the police preferred a shameful charge that the Mashonaland West PAC leadership were having “an illegal gathering”.

It is mind boggling how 10 people observing social distance and wearing masks in a meeting at their own party offices could be said to be having an illegal gathering.

Ironically just over a week ago, ZANU PF held its own internal party elections to replace the late Ellen Gwaradzimba with over 30 delegates attending the Manicaland held event.

Clearly there is selective application of the law bend on suffocating the opposition from having their own processes.

The arrest of Mash West PAC leadership comes hotly after the arrest of Youth Assembly National Executive Committee member, Makomborero Haruzivishe who was today denied bail by a Harare Magistrate.

It is clear that the junta has upped their repression gear and the only normal response is for us to up our resistance gear.

Our choices in face of incessant attacks on our liberties are very much limited.

Either we defy or die!

DefyOrDie

FreeOurLeaders

Stephen Sarkozy Chuma
MDC Alliance Youth Assembly National Spokesperson

Big Saturday Read: Political Reforms – What the MDC Alliance can do

Alex T. Magaisa

The challenge of problem-solving

When you have spent a long time trying to solve a problem, you might reach a point where you start believing that it cannot be solved. Many of us have found ourselves at this frustrating juncture.

But then, just when you are about to give up, someone might suggest that maybe you were looking at the problem the wrong way. The change of perspective might redefine the problem, making it simpler to resolve. This BSR provokes thought in that direction through an examination of the elusive “political reforms”.

At present, the framing of “political reforms” is that they are dependent on what ZANU PF, as the ruling party, should do to improve the electoral system and environment. The idea is that such reforms would produce a fairer system that would assist in achieving legitimate electoral outcomes. However, most observers agree that ZANU PF has no incentive to implement such reforms. Therefore, the chances of achieving political reforms under the ZANU PF regime are remote.

This leaves the opposition in a bind; waiting for another election that will be contested under an unreformed and unfair electoral system and environment. This amounts to doing the same thing that has been done before, hoping for a different result – something that falls in the definition of madness. But this assumes that the opposition cannot change the way it does things; that it will do things the way it has done them before.

This is where a different approach to the problem requires examination. Political reforms are not an end in themselves. They are a means to an end. Is it not possible, therefore, without reforms, to achieve the end? It is important to take a fresh look at the nature of political reforms. I argue that as the biggest and most formidable opposition party, the MDC Alliance should within for political reforms that would make it a better and more effective force against a seemingly intractable regime.

I would therefore like to offer a broader definition of political reforms which include reforms to the opposition and its capacity to mount a more effective electoral campaign. In other words, political reforms should not only be what is expected from ZANU PF to improve the electoral field, but what is expected from the opposition to improve its chances of winning political power. This question: the reform of the opposition parties is rarely examined because the assumption is that they are good enough for the task. This BSR argues that since little can be gained from ZANU PF in terms of reforms, the MDC Alliance should focus more on building itself and learning from past errors to be a stronger, better, and more powerful electoral candidate.

Discovery of Ignorance

A few years ago, I explained the meaning of the notion of “discovery of ignorance”, also in the context of electoral politics. It is a concept I borrowed from Yuval Noah Harari’s Sapiens: A Brief History of Humankind. The argument is as follows: human progress is based on the admission of ignorance, because when you admit that you do not know, you invest in research to discover what you do not know, and armed with that knowledge, things are more likely to improve. If, however, you begin from the position that you know everything, you are unlikely to discover the things that you do not know and you are, therefore, less likely to improve.

After every election, the outcries over rigging are so loud that all too often, the weaknesses that may have impacted the campaign are ignored. The result is that the opposition parties go for another 5 years, demanding reforms from ZANU PF, but never attending to the weaknesses that may have affected their performance. The dominant narrative is that there was rigging. The dominant narrative obscures other narratives of the election. The problem is that any strategic errors that affected the electoral performance will be repeated in the next election.

If, however, the opposition goes through a process of discovering ignorance, it would invest resources in researching and reviewing the previous election and identifying the things that went wrong and things that went right. In that way, the wrong things might be avoided while the right things might be amplified. To start, you must take off the blinkers and say “we do not know”. That way you start the process of discovery.

Take the performance of the MDC Alliance at the presidential and parliamentary levels. A cursory glance at the figures shows that Nelson Chamisa as a presidential candidate performed better than his party, the MDC Alliance. While the presidential election was very close, ZANU PF ended up with a two-thirds majority in Parliament. If parliamentary seats had been allocated based on votes in the presidential election, representation in parliament would be nearly even and ZANU PF would certainly not have a two-thirds majority.

The opposition should be asking why its presidential candidate outperformed the party and what can be done in the future to ensure there is more alignment between performances at the presidential and parliamentary level. Perhaps one of the reasons is simply that voters liked the presidential candidate more than the party’s parliamentary candidates. Or it might be that there was more focus on the presidential race than on the parliamentary race, which affected the allocation of campaign resources. A proper review would provide better answers to this question and better strategic approaches for the next election.

Support is not Permanent

The MDC Alliance has managed to withstand the assault by ZANU PF and its surrogates over the past 12 months, but it would be foolhardy if the party sat on its laurels. The support (and sympathy) that it currently enjoys cannot be taken for granted because it is not permanent. To appreciate this point, I have classified three types of political supporters, from the hardcore to the floating supporters.

The “Vietnam/Soweto” Section

Every party has hard-core supporters. This is the “see no evil, hear no evil and speak no evil” type of supporter – the fanatics and they wear their badge with pride. This type supports the party through thick and thin – they are diehards. We might call this the inner core.

This is a fanatical group, and it is essential to the party because it keeps the morale high in challenging times. When everyone is down, they keep singing. A close analogy is what you might witness at a football stadium. There is a section dedicated to these fanatics. Rufaro Stadium has the “Vietnam” section for fanatical Dynamos supporters. Barbourfields Stadium has “Soweto”, for hard-core Highlanders fans. Political parties also have their versions of “Vietnam” or “Soweto”. Even on social media, political parties have their versions of “Vietnam” or “Soweto” sections.

Moderate

The second type includes those who stand with the party, but they are not as fanatical as the hard-core group. They are the moderate type – loyal, but up to a point. They might occasionally be critical of the party, but they will generally defend it against opponents. We might call this the outer core. This is very important because it is bigger than the fanatical group and its support should never be taken for granted. To use the football analogy, they come to the stadium but they are not as vocal as the Vietnam or Soweto types. They don’t want to be the Vietnam or Soweto type but they support them because they know that they are essential to the party. In the context of politics, this type will generally fulfill the duty to vote on election day.

Floaters

Finally, there is a type that is more sympathetic to the party than truly supportive. They have some doubts about the party and might be concerned by its weaknesses, but they find the alternative too repulsive to support. We might call this the floating type. The support is tenuous. The problem with this type is that because it is concerned by the weaknesses of the opposition and the repulsiveness of the ruling party, they might choose to stay away from politics altogether. To continue with the football analogy, these do not go to the stadium. Their heart is with the team but if it keeps losing matches, they might become indifferent and although they might never join a fierce rival, they might switch teams if a new one comes along.

The party needs to read these nuances of political support very carefully, especially at this time. This will prevent falling for the fallacy of over-generalization, where the inner core is confused for all layers of support. An appreciation of these nuances will help the MDC Alliance not to take its current levels of support for granted. The Vietnam/Soweto section is loud, and it has kept morale high in a very difficult year. But it is important to know that this is only one layer of support. The other layers should not be forgotten because they can be the difference between success and failure.

The MDC Alliance has its rivals to thank for doing a great job galvanizing the moderates and generating the sympathy of floaters in the wake of what has happened over the past year. The floaters are generally reasonable and they like fair play. The picture of ZANU PF and the judicially reconstructed MDC T ganging up against the MDC Alliance and stealing not only its hard-won parliamentary and council seats but also their share of political funding and headquarters has been repulsive. The blatant favouritism shown to the MDC-T by the regime and its apparatus of power has happened before their eyes. Far from helping the MDC-T, it has given a boost to the MDC Alliance, which is seen as the victim of a repressive regime. But this too is not permanent.

Party Structures

The MDC Alliance has just survived a serious attempt at disruption. While the party has remained resilient, with its support base largely intact, the impact of what has happened on party structures cannot be dismissed. It is hard due to the pandemic to get a full picture of how the party has been impacted. Even though the signs are reassuring, it is important not to take this for granted.

It’s important to ensure that party structures are in good working order across the country, especially in some rural areas where there have been weaknesses. Party structures are part of ensuring a physical presence in all parts of the country. This has been one of the party’s strengths but the impact of the pandemic and the disruption caused by ZANU PF and its surrogates should be taken into account.

The national organizer has his work cut out for him. The pandemic has made the job of organizing, mobilizing, and recruiting members more challenging. Rumours of what has been happening in Harare would not have helped. There might be a lot of confusion out there, which needs to be cleared. There will be more campaigns of disinformation, especially in remote areas. This is also why the communication channels between Harare and the provinces need to be worked on.

Eyes and Ears on the Ground

An effective anti-ragging strategy is having eyes and ears on the ground during the election process. This simply means there must be election agents at each polling station. You cannot prevent rigging unless you have people at each polling station.

One of the factors that made the 29 March 2008 elections so hard to rig was that the MDC had eyes and ears at polling stations across the country. They captured election data as it was posted outside the polling station – one of the key reforms passed just before that election. It allowed the MDC to do parallel tabulation of voting results, making it harder for the elections management body to fiddle with the results.

However, the past two elections have not been the same, and in some cases, local observers have lamented that opposition parties had virtually no representation at some polling stations. It is at such polling stations that rigging takes place because no one is watching the riggers. It’s like leaving the rats in charge of the granary. It gets worse: without polling agents, there will be no V11 forms.

One of the problems is that the deployment of polling agents is done late. The other is that polling agents are poorly resourced, which leaves them vulnerable to bribery. If there is an area that needs reforms, it is this critical issue of deploying polling agents. It cannot be a last-minute job. Going into an election without a proper deployment of polling agents is like going to fight a war without guns.

Bribery of polling agents is a problem but one has to rely on the moral and ethical qualities of agents. This is why it’s important to identify reliable cadres, preferably from the Vietnam/Soweto section. The first line of defence is those agents at the frontline at polling stations and it needs dedicated cadres who are prepared to give their all to defend the party and to protect the vote. Politicians prioritize rallies, but training programs to build election-preparedness are far more important.

To protect the vote, you have to be there when people are voting and your voters must be confident that their people are also there at the polling stations. It gives confidence to the voters but also reduces opportunities for rigging. This is probably the most important political reform that the MDC Alliance needs to work on and it does not depend on its rivals. It is well within its control. The strategic target should be very simple: there must be a V11 from each polling station at the next election. If the party cannot guarantee that, the incentive for voting is very low because ZANU PF will simply exploit the gaping holes.

Avoid imposition of candidates

One of the challenges that have split political parties towards elections is the issue of choice of candidates. If the leadership has learned anything from previous elections and recent events, hopefully, one thing that has not escaped them is that representatives should not be imposed on the electorate. The choice of the leaders is not paramount. The will of the people must be respected. In 2013, Morgan Tsvangirai took the side of Giles Mutsekwa in the Dangamvura ahead of Arnold Tsunga who was the electorate’s preferred choice. Tsunga refused to back down. Mutsekwa was duly walloped. The people had prevailed.

More recently in Glen View, the MDC Alliance chose Vincent Tsvangirai ahead of local candidates to fill in the seat left by the tragic death of Vimbai Tsvangirai. Not long afterward, Vincent Tsvangirai left with the Mwonzora-led party, leaving constituents in the lurch. The only qualification he possessed was his famous name. It’s yet another reminder to the leadership to be more careful how they choose representatives. They must always listen to the grassroots. They know their people and they can tell between genuine cadres and glory-hunters. How the party chooses candidates is a fundamental reform that is well within the control of the party. It does not depend on ZANU PF or rival parties.

Mobilizing Resources

Running a national political party is like managing a major corporation. The only difference is that those who run corporations seek to make monetary profits, which is not the primary aim of a political party. But those who run political parties also seek to make a profit of a different kind. They seek to gain the power to govern the country. In both cases – running a corporation or a political party – there is a need for significant financial investment. It is impossible to succeed in modern electoral contests without a sufficient pool of resources. This explains why ZANU PF made sure public funds due to the MDC Alliance were diverted to the MDC-T. Supporting the MDC-T is secondary, the primary purpose is to starve the MDC Alliance of resources to run the party.

It is therefore fundamental for the MDC Alliance to mobilize resources. Last year the MDC Alliance launched a membership mobilization campaign, targeting the Diaspora. It is not clear how much progress was made on this front. However, a few observations from the public may be useful. Technological glitches need to be sorted to ease the process. More significantly, however, the model can be reconfigured for mass appeal. If the membership fee is pitched at a lower level, more people are likely to join. Second, if there is a monthly subscription fee which is also low, more people are likely to subscribe. A membership fee of $10 attracting 1000 people is better than a membership fee of $80 which many people might find daunting.

By way of example, for the past decade, I have paid monthly donations to 3 charities in the UK (an average of £7) and I barely notice it. However, I am probably one of a million small donors, which makes it a minimum of £7 million in revenue each month for one charity. I would probably think twice if my donation were higher. The point is this: if the MDC Alliance wants to raise more funds from its members, it should reduce the figures because it will probably attract more subscribers. Having been deprived of its hard-earned income from its performance at the last election, it has no choice but to be creative and to rely on its members. People balk at high figures, but they will respond more favourably to lower figures.

Additionally, the party should consider more convenient modes of payment such as Venmo, CashApp, Paypal, etc. People tend to be wary of registering using their bank details because of security concerns. These apps are widely used and trusted as they provide a layer of security and they are also often cheaper to send small amounts.

Strengthen Communications

In Fadzayi Mahere, the MDC Alliance has a brilliant and effective spokesperson who has represented the party exceedingly well over the past year. An accomplished advocate in her professional line of work, the art of communication and persuasion is a natural part of her portfolio. But her skill set does not begin and end with the gift of elocution, no. It is sometimes the case that one either speaks well or they have substance without the ability to communicate it. Mahere has both.

Her appointment to that role was one of Chamisa’s finest moments which is a credit to him because a good leader identifies and deploys talent strategically. This is working in his and the party’s favour. Unsurprisingly, her effectiveness has made her a target of vitriolic and misogynistic attacks from ZANU PF trolls. While Mahere has been carrying the water well for her teammates, the job of a modern-day communicator cannot be done by one person. It needs a team. But such a team requires resources. This is why the resource mobilization shift is even more important. When you communicate well, you have done more than half the job, which is why this function requires further support and amplification.

One of the great reforms that are required is strengthening the communications function of the party. While the party has the Change Radio platform, which uses the WhatsApp platform, more of this needs to be done on a broader scale. ZANU PF knows the importance of radio as a popular and effective medium of communication, which is why it has maintained a broad monopoly of airwaves. The opposition needs to counter this propaganda. Chamisa’s recent op-ed in The Guardian newspaper was an excellent example of the kind of communication that is required to communicate with a broader audience.

Social media has offered opportunities to counter ZANU PF propaganda. Unlike traditional media platforms, ZANU PF does not have a monopoly of propaganda. Its propaganda is continuously subjected to intense scrutiny by citizens. The government’s spokesperson Ndavaningi Mangwana has had to block Fadzayi Mahere and other regime critics, a sign of frustration at his inability to compete with his peers who are constantly debunking his propaganda. The regime is used to shutting down critical voices, but since it cannot control Twitter, the next best option is to block them and create a safe zone for propaganda. But it is impossible to silence everyone.

Since ZANU PF is not going to reform and ensure that the ZBC, The Herald, and others are more open and inclusive, the MDC Alliance must carry out media reforms of its own by being innovative. The MDC Alliance must make better use of social media platforms like WhatsApp to communicate with the people. It must create content that is relevant, current, and persuasive. What stands in the way is a lack of resources. This is a most important function that requires funding. This is why one of the key reforms for the MDC is how to fund the party and its programs. This, as I have already stated, is a reform that is well within the MDC Alliance’s reach. They do not depend on ZANU PF.
Being the alternative
The job of the opposition is two-fold: it keeps the government in check and stands as the alternative government. Keeping the government in check means monitoring government policies and programs and holding them to account. This is done not only in the formal theatres of power such as Parliament but also in the media, which nowadays has expanded through social media. Only a few leaders of the MDC Alliance are adept at using social media, but most of the time it is to counter the propaganda from the state and ruling party handles on Twitter and Facebook. This has been effective and has frustrated ruling party propagandists which have responded with vitriol or arrests of opposition figures, such as the recent arrest of Fadzayi Mahere and Job Sikhala.

The other function, being the alternative government requires more work. While the MDC Alliance has done well to counter ZANU PF propaganda, it needs to do more to generate its content. When the BSR published details of corruption under the RBZ Farm Mechanisation Scheme, both ZANU PF and the government came out aggressively to defend themselves. When Hopewell Chin’ono pushed the matter of corruption surrounding the procurement of COVID19 goods, the ruling party and government not only responded aggressively too, but he was arrested and thrown into Chikurubi Maximum Security Prison.

In both cases, something had happened to ZANU PF which it was not used to: the agenda had been set elsewhere and it had to respond. This is important because this is what the opposition as the government in waiting should be doing. It should be setting the agenda for ZANU PF, forcing it to respond. For this to happen, the opposition has to act as a Shadow Government – shadowing every move that the government makes and responding accordingly. There is a need for a dedicated team of professionals that track what the government is doing. It is these professionals who help the politicians with policy-based responses. You do not wait for the next election to write a manifesto. It is an on-going process.

Right now, there should be a robust policy-based proposition concerning the vaccination program, not as a response to the regime but as an alternative. This would demonstrate clearly to the citizens what the MDC Alliance would do differently if it were in charge. Likewise regarding the economy, agriculture, education, etc. How to oppose and how to be an alternative government is an important political reform that is well within the opposition party’s remit.

Name

Last year in May I wrote about the need to seriously invest some thought and resources into the issue of the party’s name. To that, I should also add the party’s constitution. These are important political reform issues within the MDC Alliance. There is a need for clarity. We do not want to be back here and say we told you so, because it does not help anyone. The MDC Alliance is the most credible opposition in the country and it matters because there must be checks and balances in our political system. But it is also clear that ZANU PF and its controlled opposition will not relent on their efforts to strip the MDC Alliance of everything, including its identity. It is not the name that wins elections. It is the idea and the people behind it that the people believe in.

Conclusion

Although the MDC Alliance remains the most authentic and credible challenge and alternative to the long-running ZANU PF regime whose footprint is defined by incompetence and repression, it cannot afford to rest on its laurels. It is fortified by its hard-core supporters, but this should not obscure its view of the other layers of the electorate, whose support is not guaranteed. The difference between political parties is often between the size of their inner core supporters and their ability to draw support from the unsure and wavering electorate. ZANU PF’s sheer incompetence and repressive politics make them difficult to support. But this is not good enough for the opposition. It cannot bank on ZANU PF failings. To win power, it must do more and this is where the issue of political reforms comes in.

While political reforms are often discussed in the context of what the ZANU PF regime should do to improve the electoral system and environment, I have switched the lenses to focus on internal political reforms that are required in the opposition. It starts with what I have referred to as the “discovery of ignorance”; an acknowledgment that “we do not know”, which is the foundation of research, the acquisition of knowledge, and improvement. There are things beyond rigging that have gone wrong in previous elections; things that need fixing. Those things can be fixed, but only if the opposition undertakes political reforms of its own. The advantage of these reforms is that they are entirely within the opposition’s control; they do not depend on ZANU PF doing something.

WaMagaisa
[email protected]

VIDEO LOADING BELOW

21-02-2021

Today is the National Youth Day, but to many young people nationwide it is a Mourning Day.

It is important to note that the day was set aside by those that presided over an economic genocide that is threatening our very existence as a veneer to cover up for their unfathomable hatred of young people.

To many a youth, the day has no significance and there is nothing whatsoever to celebrate or cherish on this day.

If anything, the day is a stark reminder of how successive ZANU PF dictators have destroyed the past, present and future of this generation and generations to come.

Abject poverty, unemployment and death of civil and political freedoms is all we see on our doorsteps as we mark this day.

It is a shame to Emmerson Mnangagwa’s rogue regime that this year’s so-called Youth Day comes at time when three MDC Alliance female youth leaders are still in courts fighting for their freedom following abduction, torture and sexual abuse in April last year.

Only yesterday, the same regime swapped Alan Moyo for Makomborero Haruzivishe as the latter was sent to Harare Remand Prison while the former headed for the exit after spending 75 days at the prison facility without trial!

This is the same regime that sent heavily armed soldiers in broad daylight on a human trophy hunting mission in the streets of Harare on 01 August 2018 that left not less than seven innocent civilians butchered.

When they tell us that they care about youths it stinks because it is a big lie!

It stinks of mockery to youths when the same regime that set its militia on a rape, abduct and torture mission in January 2019 want us to believe that they cherish youths.

A ZANU PF government whose whole leadership is comprised of only the grey-haired lacks probity to talk about a National Youth Day because they do not believe in youth leadership at all.

A heartless regime that stole the electoral ballot will of young people through the gun has no honour to waffle about a National Youth Day.

A military dictatorship that does not prioritize the education sector can never wood wink us that they care about youths through a meaningless Youth Day.

Today we mourn the death of our health and education sectors that were destroyed by the corrupt Mnangagwa regime.

Nothing at all to celebrate for the youth!

DefyOrDie

Stephen Sarkozy Chuma
MDC Alliance Youth Assembly National Spokesperson

Big Saturday Read: Political Reforms – What the MDC Alliance can do

Alex T. Magaisa

The challenge of problem-solving

When you have spent a long time trying to solve a problem, you might reach a point where you start believing that it cannot be solved. Many of us have found ourselves at this frustrating juncture.

But then, just when you are about to give up, someone might suggest that maybe you were looking at the problem the wrong way. The change of perspective might redefine the problem, making it simpler to resolve. This BSR provokes thought in that direction through an examination of the elusive “political reforms”.

At present, the framing of “political reforms” is that they are dependent on what ZANU PF, as the ruling party, should do to improve the electoral system and environment. The idea is that such reforms would produce a fairer system that would assist in achieving legitimate electoral outcomes. However, most observers agree that ZANU PF has no incentive to implement such reforms. Therefore, the chances of achieving political reforms under the ZANU PF regime are remote.

This leaves the opposition in a bind; waiting for another election that will be contested under an unreformed and unfair electoral system and environment. This amounts to doing the same thing that has been done before, hoping for a different result – something that falls in the definition of madness. But this assumes that the opposition cannot change the way it does things; that it will do things the way it has done them before.

This is where a different approach to the problem requires examination. Political reforms are not an end in themselves. They are a means to an end. Is it not possible, therefore, without reforms, to achieve the end? It is important to take a fresh look at the nature of political reforms. I argue that as the biggest and most formidable opposition party, the MDC Alliance should within for political reforms that would make it a better and more effective force against a seemingly intractable regime.

I would therefore like to offer a broader definition of political reforms which include reforms to the opposition and its capacity to mount a more effective electoral campaign. In other words, political reforms should not only be what is expected from ZANU PF to improve the electoral field, but what is expected from the opposition to improve its chances of winning political power. This question: the reform of the opposition parties is rarely examined because the assumption is that they are good enough for the task. This BSR argues that since little can be gained from ZANU PF in terms of reforms, the MDC Alliance should focus more on building itself and learning from past errors to be a stronger, better, and more powerful electoral candidate.

Discovery of Ignorance

A few years ago, I explained the meaning of the notion of “discovery of ignorance”, also in the context of electoral politics. It is a concept I borrowed from Yuval Noah Harari’s Sapiens: A Brief History of Humankind. The argument is as follows: human progress is based on the admission of ignorance, because when you admit that you do not know, you invest in research to discover what you do not know, and armed with that knowledge, things are more likely to improve. If, however, you begin from the position that you know everything, you are unlikely to discover the things that you do not know and you are, therefore, less likely to improve.

After every election, the outcries over rigging are so loud that all too often, the weaknesses that may have impacted the campaign are ignored. The result is that the opposition parties go for another 5 years, demanding reforms from ZANU PF, but never attending to the weaknesses that may have affected their performance. The dominant narrative is that there was rigging. The dominant narrative obscures other narratives of the election. The problem is that any strategic errors that affected the electoral performance will be repeated in the next election.

If, however, the opposition goes through a process of discovering ignorance, it would invest resources in researching and reviewing the previous election and identifying the things that went wrong and things that went right. In that way, the wrong things might be avoided while the right things might be amplified. To start, you must take off the blinkers and say “we do not know”. That way you start the process of discovery.

Take the performance of the MDC Alliance at the presidential and parliamentary levels. A cursory glance at the figures shows that Nelson Chamisa as a presidential candidate performed better than his party, the MDC Alliance. While the presidential election was very close, ZANU PF ended up with a two-thirds majority in Parliament. If parliamentary seats had been allocated based on votes in the presidential election, representation in parliament would be nearly even and ZANU PF would certainly not have a two-thirds majority.

The opposition should be asking why its presidential candidate outperformed the party and what can be done in the future to ensure there is more alignment between performances at the presidential and parliamentary level. Perhaps one of the reasons is simply that voters liked the presidential candidate more than the party’s parliamentary candidates. Or it might be that there was more focus on the presidential race than on the parliamentary race, which affected the allocation of campaign resources. A proper review would provide better answers to this question and better strategic approaches for the next election.

Support is not Permanent

The MDC Alliance has managed to withstand the assault by ZANU PF and its surrogates over the past 12 months, but it would be foolhardy if the party sat on its laurels. The support (and sympathy) that it currently enjoys cannot be taken for granted because it is not permanent. To appreciate this point, I have classified three types of political supporters, from the hardcore to the floating supporters.

The “Vietnam/Soweto” Section

Every party has hard-core supporters. This is the “see no evil, hear no evil and speak no evil” type of supporter – the fanatics and they wear their badge with pride. This type supports the party through thick and thin – they are diehards. We might call this the inner core.

This is a fanatical group, and it is essential to the party because it keeps the morale high in challenging times. When everyone is down, they keep singing. A close analogy is what you might witness at a football stadium. There is a section dedicated to these fanatics. Rufaro Stadium has the “Vietnam” section for fanatical Dynamos supporters. Barbourfields Stadium has “Soweto”, for hard-core Highlanders fans. Political parties also have their versions of “Vietnam” or “Soweto”. Even on social media, political parties have their versions of “Vietnam” or “Soweto” sections.

Moderate

The second type includes those who stand with the party, but they are not as fanatical as the hard-core group. They are the moderate type – loyal, but up to a point. They might occasionally be critical of the party, but they will generally defend it against opponents. We might call this the outer core. This is very important because it is bigger than the fanatical group and its support should never be taken for granted. To use the football analogy, they come to the stadium but they are not as vocal as the Vietnam or Soweto types. They don’t want to be the Vietnam or Soweto type but they support them because they know that they are essential to the party. In the context of politics, this type will generally fulfill the duty to vote on election day.

Floaters

Finally, there is a type that is more sympathetic to the party than truly supportive. They have some doubts about the party and might be concerned by its weaknesses, but they find the alternative too repulsive to support. We might call this the floating type. The support is tenuous. The problem with this type is that because it is concerned by the weaknesses of the opposition and the repulsiveness of the ruling party, they might choose to stay away from politics altogether. To continue with the football analogy, these do not go to the stadium. Their heart is with the team but if it keeps losing matches, they might become indifferent and although they might never join a fierce rival, they might switch teams if a new one comes along.

The party needs to read these nuances of political support very carefully, especially at this time. This will prevent falling for the fallacy of over-generalization, where the inner core is confused for all layers of support. An appreciation of these nuances will help the MDC Alliance not to take its current levels of support for granted. The Vietnam/Soweto section is loud, and it has kept morale high in a very difficult year. But it is important to know that this is only one layer of support. The other layers should not be forgotten because they can be the difference between success and failure.

The MDC Alliance has its rivals to thank for doing a great job galvanizing the moderates and generating the sympathy of floaters in the wake of what has happened over the past year. The floaters are generally reasonable and they like fair play. The picture of ZANU PF and the judicially reconstructed MDC T ganging up against the MDC Alliance and stealing not only its hard-won parliamentary and council seats but also their share of political funding and headquarters has been repulsive. The blatant favouritism shown to the MDC-T by the regime and its apparatus of power has happened before their eyes. Far from helping the MDC-T, it has given a boost to the MDC Alliance, which is seen as the victim of a repressive regime. But this too is not permanent.

Party Structures

The MDC Alliance has just survived a serious attempt at disruption. While the party has remained resilient, with its support base largely intact, the impact of what has happened on party structures cannot be dismissed. It is hard due to the pandemic to get a full picture of how the party has been impacted. Even though the signs are reassuring, it is important not to take this for granted.

It’s important to ensure that party structures are in good working order across the country, especially in some rural areas where there have been weaknesses. Party structures are part of ensuring a physical presence in all parts of the country. This has been one of the party’s strengths but the impact of the pandemic and the disruption caused by ZANU PF and its surrogates should be taken into account.

The national organizer has his work cut out for him. The pandemic has made the job of organizing, mobilizing, and recruiting members more challenging. Rumours of what has been happening in Harare would not have helped. There might be a lot of confusion out there, which needs to be cleared. There will be more campaigns of disinformation, especially in remote areas. This is also why the communication channels between Harare and the provinces need to be worked on.

Eyes and Ears on the Ground

An effective anti-ragging strategy is having eyes and ears on the ground during the election process. This simply means there must be election agents at each polling station. You cannot prevent rigging unless you have people at each polling station.

One of the factors that made the 29 March 2008 elections so hard to rig was that the MDC had eyes and ears at polling stations across the country. They captured election data as it was posted outside the polling station – one of the key reforms passed just before that election. It allowed the MDC to do parallel tabulation of voting results, making it harder for the elections management body to fiddle with the results.

However, the past two elections have not been the same, and in some cases, local observers have lamented that opposition parties had virtually no representation at some polling stations. It is at such polling stations that rigging takes place because no one is watching the riggers. It’s like leaving the rats in charge of the granary. It gets worse: without polling agents, there will be no V11 forms.

One of the problems is that the deployment of polling agents is done late. The other is that polling agents are poorly resourced, which leaves them vulnerable to bribery. If there is an area that needs reforms, it is this critical issue of deploying polling agents. It cannot be a last-minute job. Going into an election without a proper deployment of polling agents is like going to fight a war without guns.

Bribery of polling agents is a problem but one has to rely on the moral and ethical qualities of agents. This is why it’s important to identify reliable cadres, preferably from the Vietnam/Soweto section. The first line of defence is those agents at the frontline at polling stations and it needs dedicated cadres who are prepared to give their all to defend the party and to protect the vote. Politicians prioritize rallies, but training programs to build election-preparedness are far more important.

To protect the vote, you have to be there when people are voting and your voters must be confident that their people are also there at the polling stations. It gives confidence to the voters but also reduces opportunities for rigging. This is probably the most important political reform that the MDC Alliance needs to work on and it does not depend on its rivals. It is well within its control. The strategic target should be very simple: there must be a V11 from each polling station at the next election. If the party cannot guarantee that, the incentive for voting is very low because ZANU PF will simply exploit the gaping holes.

Avoid imposition of candidates

One of the challenges that have split political parties towards elections is the issue of choice of candidates. If the leadership has learned anything from previous elections and recent events, hopefully, one thing that has not escaped them is that representatives should not be imposed on the electorate. The choice of the leaders is not paramount. The will of the people must be respected. In 2013, Morgan Tsvangirai took the side of Giles Mutsekwa in the Dangamvura ahead of Arnold Tsunga who was the electorate’s preferred choice. Tsunga refused to back down. Mutsekwa was duly walloped. The people had prevailed.

More recently in Glen View, the MDC Alliance chose Vincent Tsvangirai ahead of local candidates to fill in the seat left by the tragic death of Vimbai Tsvangirai. Not long afterward, Vincent Tsvangirai left with the Mwonzora-led party, leaving constituents in the lurch. The only qualification he possessed was his famous name. It’s yet another reminder to the leadership to be more careful how they choose representatives. They must always listen to the grassroots. They know their people and they can tell between genuine cadres and glory-hunters. How the party chooses candidates is a fundamental reform that is well within the control of the party. It does not depend on ZANU PF or rival parties.

Mobilizing Resources

Running a national political party is like managing a major corporation. The only difference is that those who run corporations seek to make monetary profits, which is not the primary aim of a political party. But those who run political parties also seek to make a profit of a different kind. They seek to gain the power to govern the country. In both cases – running a corporation or a political party – there is a need for significant financial investment. It is impossible to succeed in modern electoral contests without a sufficient pool of resources. This explains why ZANU PF made sure public funds due to the MDC Alliance were diverted to the MDC-T. Supporting the MDC-T is secondary, the primary purpose is to starve the MDC Alliance of resources to run the party.

It is therefore fundamental for the MDC Alliance to mobilize resources. Last year the MDC Alliance launched a membership mobilization campaign, targeting the Diaspora. It is not clear how much progress was made on this front. However, a few observations from the public may be useful. Technological glitches need to be sorted to ease the process. More significantly, however, the model can be reconfigured for mass appeal. If the membership fee is pitched at a lower level, more people are likely to join. Second, if there is a monthly subscription fee which is also low, more people are likely to subscribe. A membership fee of $10 attracting 1000 people is better than a membership fee of $80 which many people might find daunting.

By way of example, for the past decade, I have paid monthly donations to 3 charities in the UK (an average of £7) and I barely notice it. However, I am probably one of a million small donors, which makes it a minimum of £7 million in revenue each month for one charity. I would probably think twice if my donation were higher. The point is this: if the MDC Alliance wants to raise more funds from its members, it should reduce the figures because it will probably attract more subscribers. Having been deprived of its hard-earned income from its performance at the last election, it has no choice but to be creative and to rely on its members. People balk at high figures, but they will respond more favourably to lower figures.

Additionally, the party should consider more convenient modes of payment such as Venmo, CashApp, Paypal, etc. People tend to be wary of registering using their bank details because of security concerns. These apps are widely used and trusted as they provide a layer of security and they are also often cheaper to send small amounts.

Strengthen Communications

In Fadzayi Mahere, the MDC Alliance has a brilliant and effective spokesperson who has represented the party exceedingly well over the past year. An accomplished advocate in her professional line of work, the art of communication and persuasion is a natural part of her portfolio. But her skill set does not begin and end with the gift of elocution, no. It is sometimes the case that one either speaks well or they have substance without the ability to communicate it. Mahere has both.

Her appointment to that role was one of Chamisa’s finest moments which is a credit to him because a good leader identifies and deploys talent strategically. This is working in his and the party’s favour. Unsurprisingly, her effectiveness has made her a target of vitriolic and misogynistic attacks from ZANU PF trolls. While Mahere has been carrying the water well for her teammates, the job of a modern-day communicator cannot be done by one person. It needs a team. But such a team requires resources. This is why the resource mobilization shift is even more important. When you communicate well, you have done more than half the job, which is why this function requires further support and amplification.

One of the great reforms that are required is strengthening the communications function of the party. While the party has the Change Radio platform, which uses the WhatsApp platform, more of this needs to be done on a broader scale. ZANU PF knows the importance of radio as a popular and effective medium of communication, which is why it has maintained a broad monopoly of airwaves. The opposition needs to counter this propaganda. Chamisa’s recent op-ed in The Guardian newspaper was an excellent example of the kind of communication that is required to communicate with a broader audience.

Social media has offered opportunities to counter ZANU PF propaganda. Unlike traditional media platforms, ZANU PF does not have a monopoly of propaganda. Its propaganda is continuously subjected to intense scrutiny by citizens. The government’s spokesperson Ndavaningi Mangwana has had to block Fadzayi Mahere and other regime critics, a sign of frustration at his inability to compete with his peers who are constantly debunking his propaganda. The regime is used to shutting down critical voices, but since it cannot control Twitter, the next best option is to block them and create a safe zone for propaganda. But it is impossible to silence everyone.

Since ZANU PF is not going to reform and ensure that the ZBC, The Herald, and others are more open and inclusive, the MDC Alliance must carry out media reforms of its own by being innovative. The MDC Alliance must make better use of social media platforms like WhatsApp to communicate with the people. It must create content that is relevant, current, and persuasive. What stands in the way is a lack of resources. This is a most important function that requires funding. This is why one of the key reforms for the MDC is how to fund the party and its programs. This, as I have already stated, is a reform that is well within the MDC Alliance’s reach. They do not depend on ZANU PF.
Being the alternative
The job of the opposition is two-fold: it keeps the government in check and stands as the alternative government. Keeping the government in check means monitoring government policies and programs and holding them to account. This is done not only in the formal theatres of power such as Parliament but also in the media, which nowadays has expanded through social media. Only a few leaders of the MDC Alliance are adept at using social media, but most of the time it is to counter the propaganda from the state and ruling party handles on Twitter and Facebook. This has been effective and has frustrated ruling party propagandists which have responded with vitriol or arrests of opposition figures, such as the recent arrest of Fadzayi Mahere and Job Sikhala.

The other function, being the alternative government requires more work. While the MDC Alliance has done well to counter ZANU PF propaganda, it needs to do more to generate its content. When the BSR published details of corruption under the RBZ Farm Mechanisation Scheme, both ZANU PF and the government came out aggressively to defend themselves. When Hopewell Chin’ono pushed the matter of corruption surrounding the procurement of COVID19 goods, the ruling party and government not only responded aggressively too, but he was arrested and thrown into Chikurubi Maximum Security Prison.

In both cases, something had happened to ZANU PF which it was not used to: the agenda had been set elsewhere and it had to respond. This is important because this is what the opposition as the government in waiting should be doing. It should be setting the agenda for ZANU PF, forcing it to respond. For this to happen, the opposition has to act as a Shadow Government – shadowing every move that the government makes and responding accordingly. There is a need for a dedicated team of professionals that track what the government is doing. It is these professionals who help the politicians with policy-based responses. You do not wait for the next election to write a manifesto. It is an on-going process.

Right now, there should be a robust policy-based proposition concerning the vaccination program, not as a response to the regime but as an alternative. This would demonstrate clearly to the citizens what the MDC Alliance would do differently if it were in charge. Likewise regarding the economy, agriculture, education, etc. How to oppose and how to be an alternative government is an important political reform that is well within the opposition party’s remit.

Name

Last year in May I wrote about the need to seriously invest some thought and resources into the issue of the party’s name. To that, I should also add the party’s constitution. These are important political reform issues within the MDC Alliance. There is a need for clarity. We do not want to be back here and say we told you so, because it does not help anyone. The MDC Alliance is the most credible opposition in the country and it matters because there must be checks and balances in our political system. But it is also clear that ZANU PF and its controlled opposition will not relent on their efforts to strip the MDC Alliance of everything, including its identity. It is not the name that wins elections. It is the idea and the people behind it that the people believe in.

Conclusion

Although the MDC Alliance remains the most authentic and credible challenge and alternative to the long-running ZANU PF regime whose footprint is defined by incompetence and repression, it cannot afford to rest on its laurels. It is fortified by its hard-core supporters, but this should not obscure its view of the other layers of the electorate, whose support is not guaranteed. The difference between political parties is often between the size of their inner core supporters and their ability to draw support from the unsure and wavering electorate. ZANU PF’s sheer incompetence and repressive politics make them difficult to support. But this is not good enough for the opposition. It cannot bank on ZANU PF failings. To win power, it must do more and this is where the issue of political reforms comes in.

While political reforms are often discussed in the context of what the ZANU PF regime should do to improve the electoral system and environment, I have switched the lenses to focus on internal political reforms that are required in the opposition. It starts with what I have referred to as the “discovery of ignorance”; an acknowledgment that “we do not know”, which is the foundation of research, the acquisition of knowledge, and improvement. There are things beyond rigging that have gone wrong in previous elections; things that need fixing. Those things can be fixed, but only if the opposition undertakes political reforms of its own. The advantage of these reforms is that they are entirely within the opposition’s control; they do not depend on ZANU PF doing something.

WaMagaisa
[email protected]

20-02-2020

MDC Alliance Youth Assembly strongly condemns the senseless and barbarian manner in which our Mashonaland West leadership were ‘arrested’ by gun totting soldiers in company of the police.

It is shocking that the unrepentant regime of Emmerson Mnangagwa which is hiding under the veil of Covid-19 regulations continue to weaponize the pandemic against opposition members.

This time the police preferred a shameful charge that the Mashonaland West PAC leadership were having “an illegal gathering”.

It is mind boggling how 10 people observing social distance and wearing masks in a meeting at their own party offices could be said to be having an illegal gathering.

Ironically just over a week ago, ZANU PF held its own internal party elections to replace the late Ellen Gwaradzimba with over 30 delegates attending Manicaland held event.

Clearly there is selective application of the law bend on suffocating the opposition from having their own processes.

The arrest of Mash West PAC leadership comes hotly after the arrest of Youth Assembly National Executive Committee member, Makomborero Haruzivishe who was today denied bail by a Harare Magistrate.

It is clear that the junta has upped their repression gear and the only normal response is for us to up our resistance gear.

Our choices in face of incessant attacks on our liberties are very much limited.

Either we defy or die!

DefyOrDie

FreeOurLeaders

Stephen Sarkozy Chuma_
MDC Alliance Youth MDC Alliance Youth Assembly Condemns Senseless Arrest Of Our Mash West Leadership

20-02-2020

MDC Alliance Youth Assembly strongly condemns the senseless and barbarian manner in which our Mashonaland West leadership were ‘arrested’ by gun totting soldiers in company of the police.

It is shocking that the unrepentant regime of Emmerson Mnangagwa which is hiding under the veil of Covid-19 regulations continue to weaponize the pandemic against opposition members.

This time the police preferred a shameful charge that the Mashonaland West PAC leadership were having “an illegal gathering”.

It is mind boggling how 10 people observing social distance and wearing masks in a meeting at their own party offices could be said to be having an illegal gathering.

Ironically just over a week ago, ZANU PF held its own internal party elections to replace the late Ellen Gwaradzimba with over 30 delegates attending the Manicaland held event.

Clearly there is selective application of the law bend on suffocating the opposition from having their own processes.

The arrest of Mash West PAC leadership comes hotly after the arrest of Youth Assembly National Executive Committee member, Makomborero Haruzivishe who was today denied bail by a Harare Magistrate.

It is clear that the junta has upped their repression gear and the only normal response is for us to up our resistance gear.

Our choices in face of incessant attacks on our liberties are very much limited.

Either we defy or die!

DefyOrDie

FreeOurLeaders

Stephen Sarkozy Chuma
MDC Alliance Youth Assembly National Spokesperson

By Mari Matutu | I am disappointed by members of the opposition. They cry for electoral reforms and complain of election rigging. It is now one of our mantras and an excuse for incompetence.

While Zanu look so invincible I am slowly believing we are playing a huge  part in our oppression. There are some things that can only be said or done by opposition. There are also some things that require political muscles and mobilisation of electorate, however somethings have already been fought for. All you need is claiming your right.

Most often I get responses that look so “rosy” and “juicy” to listen to. Things like “ZEC is Captured” or “judiciary is captured”. Yet we see the laws of the land are amended. Some words are removed from constitution and look very minor, we do not raise concern. In parliament we do not raise that which forbid the amendments. We do not even mobilize our followers to open up and see the consequences of such amendments.

When those amendments are being used against us then we start to cry.

May I take a simple example of a matter  I have spend whole week trying to fight but without support, the matter of ZEC trying to use the number of registered voters to delimit constituencies and wards . I have tried to look for input of opposition on the constitution amendment number2 . I could not find any. This does not mean there is non. The fact that our Constitution is being amended but our followers do not know the position of opposition on items being amended is a total disaster. 

I looked at the Bill that seek to amend constitution’s section 161(1). The amendment look very minor and excuses given by the regime and ZEC look very nobble in the ears of unsuspecting citizen. The effects of amendment can only be seen two years from now. By then we would not have anything to do.

1. 12 Amendment of section 161 of Constitution Section  161  (“Delimitation  of  electoral  boundaries”)(1)  of  the  Constitution  is  amended by the deletion of “so as to fall as soon as possible after a population census”.

The explanation given by regime first time was that census was due in 2022 and there will be no time to prepare for elections if delimitation is to fall as soon as possible after a population census. In stead they moved the census to 2021. Not only did they do that. They seek to amend the constitution not delimit soon after population census. If they could move the population census to 2021 , what other reason do they have to amend s161 and delete the requirement of population census? I have already shared my views on legal instruments that make the amendment illegal. We may not need numbers but approach constitutional court to have that amendment removed. The effort only comes after understanding implication of this amendment.

• Gerrymandering.

This is a well known election rigging tactic. It is a practice intended to establish an unfair political advantage for a particular party or group by manipulating electoral boundaries, which is most commonly used in first-past-the-post electoral systems.(First -past-thepost is where the candidate with highest votes takes the seat or ward).

Since Gerrymandering has to do with setting up of boundaries, it must be realised that it is one of the rigging tactic executed far away from election environment. It has a long term effect of up to ten years. If the electoral Commission succeed to rig the boundaries it means we are going to live with it for 10 years.

C)      Use databases and computer technology  

The introduction of modern computers alongside the development of elaborate voter databases and special constituency software has made gerrymandering a far more precise science. Using such databases, political parties can obtain detailed information about every household including political party registration, previous campaign donations, and the number of times residents voted in previous elections and combine it with other predictors of voting behaviour such as age, income, race, or education level. With this data, gerrymandering politicians can predict the voting behaviour of each potential constituency with an astonishing degree of precision, leaving little chance for creating an accidentally competitive constituency.

On the other hand, the introduction of modern computers would let the Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency to calculate more equal populations in every voting constituency or ward that are based only on constituency being the most compact and equal populations. This could be done easily using their block centres based on the Global Positioning System (GPS) rather than street addresses. With this data, gerrymandering politicians will not be in charge, thus allowing competitive constituencies again.

Online web apps such as Dave’s Redistricting have allowed users to simulate redistricting states into legislative districts as they wish. ZEC can get any of these online web apps and enter data gathered from registration of voters, previous election results in the server which we do not know yet, political membership data base from MDC through files with Mwonzora as well as zanu data bases then punch these into the software to bring skewed constituencies that will always give zanu a majority in parliament in councils

       D)     How Gerrymandering works in Zimbabwe

 Lets take those three blocks on top to help explain how Gerrymandering can be applied to Masvingo for instance.

1. From previous elections results kept by ZEC, polling

stations that had zanu are shown by red circles and polling stations that voted for MDC are blue squares. This is what is in ZEC server. No one else know about these results. What ZEC gave as results could not tally or mathematically be verified. Now ZEC has opportunity to use that data.

• Imagine if a population census is carried out by Zimbabwe National Statistical Agency. It goes and collect data. One of the data is to find number of registered voters/adults with opportunity to register to vote in the next 10 years and their geographic distribution. On completion of the exercise a delimitation is done to divide Masvingo equally. The population census does not look into ZEC register. They physically go door to door and find people above 18 who are eligible to vote- (universal adult suffrage which s3(2) of constitution demands).  The division does not take any previous voting trends but treat everyone equally. The number of people are divided equally. Now assume we divide it into 3 like in (a) you will see that zanu will lose in three constituencies. If we rig the boundaries because we feel in Masvingo there is a central point were zanu is popular and can win election without fail then ZEC can then try to get a seat by utilizing that. It then attach small portion of surrounding MDC strongholds. Which they observe by polling stations. If they observe family members that appear most on a voters roll that gave MDC a

good result on a particular polling station, all they do is put that family into another ward that would neutralize their effect. Eventually where Zanu should not have a seat if census figures had been used , it manages one seat. If you still look at Masvingo in blocks, MDC has majority votes which if divided equally it must give three seats to MDC like in (a).

• Let us assume from ZEC’s data base, there is a

paten in the distribution of polling stations that voted zanu such that if ZEC was to follow the paten in drawing boundaries, ZEC can come up with a delimitation like in (c) . Where zanu was suppose to get Zero actually it manage to get 2 seats and leave one seat for MDC. Imagine it, even when Zanu was suppose to get zero, gerrymandering has given them two seats out of 3.

I have illustrated with blocks as if its Masvingo. It can be any province, it can be any district divided into wards, the result is the same. The point is ZEC should not be allowed to use its own generated date to delimit. Lets have a look at the actual constituencies in Masvingo. The shape of boundaries must tell you a story that you must believe. If you cannot believe it, then its gerrymandered delimitation. I leave you to explain on this on why each constituency had to follow a certain boundary lane. Is it related to geographic features, population or some other feature related to human settlement. It must also help explain why places like  Chiredzi is suspected of allowing sugar cane to vote. I do not have Statistics on how the delimitation was done but as soon as question arise like “kwai vhotwa nenzimbe kani” then ZEC is being challenged.

Anyone who ignores gerrymandering is a regime enabler. We cannot cry for reforms when the laws are there.

Stand up or they stand on you

The People of Nyamukoho Chieftainship, Mashonaland East and Zimbabwe have lost a pillar of traditional leadership ethos, a business man and senator with the departure of Chief Nyamukoho , born Samson Katsande.

The MDC Alliance joins the nation in mourning a unique chief, a man who stood firm for fairness, tolerance and peace. Chief Nyamukoho fought relentlessly for the Upliftment of the people in his area and for a resilient and self reliant community.

He is well known during his time as Senator for championing family level production of small seed crops such as Mhunga for self reliance. He despised the dependence syndrome which he referred to as the “Ndipowo Ndipowo” disease. This was in reference to the perpetual attitude of waiting for handouts from government.

He also believed that local people should benefit from resources that their areas are endowed with. He was a firm believer in the devolution of power to lower governmental levels. He knew that devolution brings out the best from citizens .

A business man of note, Chief Nyamukoho personally funded many peace building workshops in his area of jurisdiction. Some times he ran the workshops in collaboration with the church.

Chief Nyamukoho frowned on partisanship in state interventions on social welfare issues such as food and agricultural inputs.

Taking a leaf from his work, the government should work on capacity building processes for Chiefs so that they can work in their communities without aligning to any political party, build peace and inculcate a culture of self reliance among in areas of control.

As the MDC Alliance, we cherish the legacy of fairness, entrepreneurship, rule of law and non partisanship which Chief Nyamukoho bequeathed to the traditional leadership institution, parliament and the generality of family Zimbabwe.

Rest In Peace Chief.

Sesel Zvidzai
Sec Local Gvt and Rural Development

By Blessing Simpson Madzima

Betrayal is evil. Nothing hurts more than being disappointed by someone in high authority you thought would never hurt the people he purport to lead. Adultery is dirty. It makes you feel sick. It makes your innards churn. It feels so wrong and every part of your body dispairs because of it. It is sin, there is no good thing about adultery. It is evil and destructive.

A Vice President of the country finds it normal and funny. He doesn’t feel it’s wrong. He has no insight of the depth of hurt he is inflicting in all these people and those he is supposed to counsel. Those around him including the President see nothing wrong in his conduct and behaviour. What I think everyone is struggling with he most now is how can our leaders be so foolish as such. How can they let him be so reckless and put the country and its leadership on the line and disrepute. I find it hard for any citizen to respect him for what he did or say. Everyone is hurt and so disappointed by this immoral behaviour and lack of leadership and responsibility, The Vice President is a well known sex addict who preys on young and married women. He has no respect for the rule of law. How can we continue to give our allegiance to unaccountable sovereign. Our nation needs responsible and accountable leadership. We need leadership we can trust with out children, our women and our resources.

An adulterous leader has no shame on his own political leadership. He is accountable to no one and will always disregard our feelings. We are living in a country where human authority still requires justification. Our social and political inequalities remain questionable. This regime appears to originate from Sodom and Gomorra. It is clouded and muddled in fornication and adultery. This only increases the burden of our people and their suffering with no hope in sight with this irresponsible behaviour

Vice President Mohadi must resign or the President and his cabinet must force him to do so and save our country from ridicule.