By A Correspondent

A 16-year-old mother and her own mother have been arrested for attempting to sell a newborn baby for just US$180 in a disturbing case of illegal adoption.

The young mother’s identity has been kept private, though she is said to have used the name Nobuhle Sibanda in the illicit arrangement. Her mother, Evelyn Zisengwe, was also involved in the plot.

The two women, along with Dion Tore, a known underworld dealer whom they met through a WhatsApp group, were arrested and have since appeared in court on charges of human trafficking. The trio was remanded in custody and will return to court for a bail hearing on Thursday.

According to court documents, the scheme began in January when the pair planned to sell Sibanda’s nine-month-old baby. The court was told that Zisengwe had initially contacted Tore on a WhatsApp group called Sora ne Miti, claiming her daughter was pregnant and planning to terminate the pregnancy. However, Tore, who allegedly had a history of miscarriages, expressed interest in adopting the child instead.

Sibanda and Tore agreed to meet on February 22, and during this meeting, Tore facilitated a scan which confirmed the baby was a girl, and the pregnancy was nearly eight months along. In a shocking move, they arranged for the baby to be delivered prematurely at Sally Mugabe Hospital with the help of a nurse, whose identity is yet to be revealed.

Tore falsified personal details and presented them to Harare Hospital officials, claiming she was the one carrying the pregnancy. On February 25, Sibanda delivered her child prematurely and handed the baby over to Tore on March 5.

Tore then went on to create a fake death certificate, falsely reporting that the baby had died shortly after birth.

From May to August, Zisengwe received US$180 from Tore via Ecocash as part of the illegal transaction.

The plot was uncovered after a tip-off led police in Murehwa to launch an investigation, resulting in the arrest of the three women.

In a related case earlier this year, Pauline Maganga was sentenced to 10 years in prison for selling her child in another human trafficking scandal.

Bulawayo, Zimbabwe — Three armed robbers were arrested on Monday morning following a dramatic shootout with police along Luveve Road in Bulawayo. The suspects were apprehended in a swift response by law enforcement officers after a tip-off about their activities.

Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) spokesperson Commissioner Paul Nyathi confirmed the incident, stating that investigations are ongoing to uncover the full extent of the suspects’ criminal activities.

“We can confirm that the ZRP arrested three men following a shoot-out with the police in Bulawayo this morning. Investigations are underway, and we will provide more details in due course,” said Commissioner Nyathi.

Background of the Suspects’ Activities

Sources close to the investigation revealed that the three suspects were allegedly involved in the theft of a Ford Ranger vehicle at a popular entertainment spot, KoChigumira, in Bulawayo last Wednesday. The stolen vehicle is believed to have played a key role in their attempted criminal escapades.

The arrest followed coordinated efforts by the police to track the suspects, leading to the confrontation along Luveve Road. No injuries were reported during the shootout, and the stolen vehicle has reportedly been recovered.

Growing Concern Over Armed Robberies

This incident comes amid growing concerns over a surge in armed robberies across Zimbabwe. The ZRP has intensified its operations in response, promising to crack down on criminal syndicates threatening public safety.

Police have urged members of the public to remain vigilant and report any suspicious activities to local authorities. Commissioner Nyathi emphasized that law enforcement remains committed to maintaining public security and ensuring swift justice.

Investigation Continues

The arrested suspects are currently in police custody, with further details expected as investigations progress. Authorities are working to establish whether the suspects are linked to other recent criminal activities in the region.

This latest development underscores the dedication of Zimbabwe’s police force in addressing rising crime and safeguarding communities. Stay tuned for updates as this story develops.-ziana

Harare, Zimbabwe – President Emmerson Mnangagwa has once again pledged Zimbabwe’s commitment to clearing its national debt and ensuring fiscal discipline, but questions remain about the government’s capacity to meet these ambitious goals. Speaking at the High-Level Structured Dialogue Platform on Arrears Clearance and Debt Resolution in Harare, Mnangagwa outlined his vision for a prosperous Zimbabwe, despite growing skepticism about the regime’s ability to fulfill its promises.

“Government remains committed to maintaining fiscal discipline. Tight monetary policies will remain in place. Coordination between fiscal and monetary policy will ensure stability,” said President Mnangagwa, echoing a familiar refrain. He emphasized that clearing Zimbabwe’s arrears was central to the country’s economic recovery, but critics argue that the current financial constraints make such a strategy increasingly difficult to achieve.

While the President’s speech painted an optimistic picture, Zimbabwe’s deteriorating financial situation raises doubts about the government’s capacity to implement its debt clearance plan. Despite Mnangagwa’s claims of progress, external debt continues to mount, and domestic resources remain insufficient to tackle the country’s obligations.

“Zimbabwe’s economy has shown resilience,” Mnangagwa said. “Last year we registered growth, and this year it is projected that the economy will grow by 2 percent on account of the drought which affected production.” However, many analysts point out that the economic growth projections are often inflated, and the country remains heavily reliant on foreign assistance and remittances to sustain itself.

Mnangagwa’s optimistic forecasts for the economy include a 6 percent growth next year, driven by recoveries in the agricultural and mining sectors. Yet, the President’s assurances come amid a broader economic crisis, characterized by inflation rates surpassing 200% and a currency that continues to lose value. Zimbabwe’s ability to fulfill its debt obligations is further hindered by its over-reliance on external borrowing, which has only increased the strain on the national budget.

On land reform, Mnangagwa claimed the government had made strides in securing land tenure for all beneficiaries of the controversial land redistribution program. “With regards to land tenure, the Government made a bold decision to give security of tenure to all beneficiaries of the land reform programme,” he stated. However, questions persist over the sustainability and effectiveness of the land reform policies, with many arguing that the lack of proper infrastructure and investment in the agricultural sector has hindered its long-term success.

The President also highlighted ongoing infrastructure projects funded largely through domestic resources. “Transformative infrastructure projects across the country are changing the quality of life for Zimbabweans,” he said. But these claims are under scrutiny, with critics questioning how much of this infrastructure development is actually taking place and whether it is sustainable without foreign investment.

As Zimbabwe faces mounting economic challenges, Mnangagwa’s claims of fiscal discipline and debt clearance appear increasingly disconnected from the harsh realities of a country struggling to regain its economic footing.

By A Correspondent

In Mberengwa district, the ZANU PF regime has intensified its manipulation of traditional leaders to consolidate political power and extend its influence in rural areas.

While publicly pledging to work with chiefs and headmen for socio-economic development, the reality is that traditional leaders are being co-opted into the ruling party’s political machinery, undermining their autonomy and abusing their positions for partisan ends.

The party leadership claims that working with traditional leaders is crucial to achieving the Vision 2030 goal of building an upper-middle-class society. However, this partnership often comes at the expense of local communities. ZANU PF has made strategic promises to traditional leaders, including the distribution of farming inputs and equipment, in exchange for their loyalty and support during elections.

Traditional leaders, in turn, publicly praise the regime for these gestures, portraying them as beneficial for the district’s development. One chief, interviewed by ZBC News, expressed his gratitude, stating, “We are happy that the party is helping us restore our district through these programs.” However, such statements must be viewed in the context of the pressure these leaders face to support the regime, often at the expense of their own people’s needs and rights.

ZANU PF officials, including Honourable Tinashe Shumba, the party’s Central Committee member for Mberengwa Central, continue to emphasize the importance of traditional leaders in shaping the future of rural communities. Shumba pointed out that the party’s longstanding relationship with chiefs dates back to the liberation struggle, suggesting that this historical alliance should be maintained for the benefit of the nation. However, the reality is that traditional leaders are now increasingly used as pawns to ensure that the party retains control in rural constituencies.

In exchange for these “development” handouts, traditional leaders are expected to actively endorse ZANU PF’s policies, mobilize voters, and suppress dissent within their communities. The ruling party’s increasing reliance on traditional leaders for electoral success has led to accusations that chiefs and headmen are being politicized, undermining their traditional role as impartial community leaders. Many chiefs are pressured to align with the party or face the risk of losing support, resources, and even their positions.

While some traditional leaders may genuinely believe that the regime’s development initiatives will benefit their communities, it is clear that ZANU PF’s manipulation of these leaders for political gain raises serious concerns about their independence and the true nature of the party’s so-called development agenda. Instead of empowering rural communities, these tactics often lead to a deepening of political patronage, where the needs of the people are secondary to the party’s desire to maintain power.

In essence, what is being presented as a partnership for development is, in many ways, a calculated strategy to control the rural electorate. Traditional leaders, once seen as neutral custodians of cultural values, are now at risk of being co-opted into the service of a regime that uses them to secure its own political survival.

Vice President Gen (Rtd) Dr CDGN Chiwenga has congratulated Mrs A Mnangagwa on attaining a Doctor Of Philosophy Degree in Tourism and Hospitality Management.

By A Correspondent

Two women from Jambesi, Hwange, are receiving treatment at Victoria Falls Hospital after being attacked by a crocodile at Matetsi River.

Fanuel Mudimba, the councillor for Jambesi Ward 7, told VicFallsLive that the women were engaged in illegal fishing when the attack occurred. One woman sustained serious injuries to her left arm, while the other was hurt on her fingers and arm while trying to help her friend.

Although the women initially agreed to speak with VicFallsLive, they later withdrew, stating that they had been “sorted” and no longer required medication or food. However, their relatives later disclosed that the women were in critical need of injections and food, both at the hospital and at home.

It was also revealed that the women had lost confidence in organizations and individuals who had promised them assistance. They reportedly disappeared shortly after being interviewed and after records were taken, nearly two weeks ago, when they were first admitted to the hospital.

By A Correspondent | ZimEye | WILLIAM CHINYANGA: This London based diabetic funeral-poet of many years who’s MP Job Sikhala’s cousin, William Chinyanga was arrested and convicted over funeral jests (or dark jokes) he uttered in response to a news story narrating how Nelson Chamisa had been shot at on 1 December 2019, and the police removed language witness evidence so to twist the context so it sounds like terorrisn incitement against Zimbabwe.

He was convicted for 2 charges and the other 2 was cleared. Police worked hand in hand with his solicitor Madeleine Corr to remove witness evidence which includes the publisher of both the language he uttered and the story thereof.

He has finished his term and they are now trying to deport him when he comes out of Wandsworth prison. They are determined to accomplish this if people do not stop it. Donate now below ?

William Chinyanga: A Case of Justice Misconstrued

William Chinyanga, a London-based poet and activist, finds himself at the center of a case that has raised serious questions about justice, evidence handling, and the limits of freedom of expression. Known as a diabetic funeral poet and a relative of the Zimbabwean MP Job Sikhala, Chinyanga’s conviction has sparked global concern about how the case was framed and the implications it has for free speech, especially in diaspora communities.

The Arrest and Conviction

Chinyanga was arrested following remarks he made in response to a news report about a gunfire incident involving Zimbabwean opposition leader Nelson Chamisa on December 1, 2019. The remarks, described as “funeral jests” or “dark jokes,” were taken out of context by the authorities, leading to charges of terrorism incitement. Crucially, the police omitted language witness evidence that would have clarified the context of his words, twisting his statement into something it was not.

Despite his defense pointing out these discrepancies, Chinyanga was convicted on two charges while being cleared of two others. The role of his solicitor, Madeleine Corr, has also come under scrutiny. Allegations suggest that she may have cooperated with police efforts to remove critical evidence, including testimony from the publisher of both Chinyanga’s remarks and the original story that inspired them.

Context of the Remarks

Chinyanga’s comments were not made in isolation but were a reaction to a politically charged situation involving ongoing violence in Zimbabwe. His dark humor, as many supporters argue, was a coping mechanism to address a grim reality rather than a call to arms. Yet, by stripping away the context, the prosecution painted a picture that aligned with a narrative of terrorism.

Post-Conviction: The Push for Deportation

Having completed his sentence at Wandsworth Prison, Chinyanga now faces deportation to Zimbabwe—a move that has been described as unjust and retaliatory. Deporting him would expose him to potential harm in a country where his activism and familial ties to opposition figures make him a target.

The push for deportation appears to be the culmination of a concerted effort to silence Chinyanga and deter others from speaking out against the Zimbabwean regime, even from abroad. It also raises questions about the UK’s role in upholding human rights and protecting individuals at risk of political persecution.

The Broader Implications

The handling of Chinyanga’s case highlights troubling issues in the justice system, particularly when it comes to diaspora communities:

1. Freedom of Expression: Chinyanga’s conviction underscores the thin line between free speech and criminal speech, particularly for political activists.

2. Evidence Manipulation: The removal of witness evidence to frame a specific narrative sets a dangerous precedent for how cases involving political dissent are prosecuted.

3. Collusion Allegations: The alleged cooperation between police and legal counsel further erodes trust in the justice system.

4. Deportation Risks: Sending Chinyanga back to Zimbabwe raises serious human rights concerns, given the political climate and history of persecution against activists.

Call to Action

William Chinyanga’s case is not just about one man—it is a litmus test for the principles of justice, fairness, and freedom. His supporters are urging the public to raise awareness, pressure authorities to halt his deportation, and donate to support his legal battle.

This case serves as a stark reminder that the fight for human rights and justice extends beyond borders. It calls on all of us to stand against the misuse of power and to protect those who risk everything to speak out against oppression.

Donate now to help stop William Chinyanga’s deportation and support his fight for justice.

The sentencing of Jameson Timba, leader of a faction of the Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC), and 34 of his supporters has been postponed. The group, convicted last week for participating in an unlawful gathering, was originally scheduled for sentencing on Monday, November 27. However, the Harare magistrate rescheduled the hearing to Wednesday, November 29, 2024.

The 35 individuals, who were arrested on June 16 while commemorating the International Day of the African Child, initially faced charges of disorderly conduct. After the State concluded its case, they were acquitted of these charges.

On Friday, Magistrate Collet Ncube, who is presiding over the case at the Harare Circuit Court, acquitted 28 additional defendants, citing insufficient evidence linking them to the gathering.

The postponement of the sentencing has been confirmed by the CCC party.

By A Correspondent

In Mberengwa district, the ZANU PF regime has intensified its manipulation of traditional leaders to consolidate political power and extend its influence in rural areas. While publicly pledging to work with chiefs and headmen for socio-economic development, the reality is that traditional leaders are being co-opted into the ruling party’s political machinery, undermining their autonomy and abusing their positions for partisan ends.

The party leadership claims that working with traditional leaders is crucial to achieving the Vision 2030 goal of building an upper-middle-class society. However, this partnership often comes at the expense of local communities. ZANU PF has made strategic promises to traditional leaders, including the distribution of farming inputs and equipment, in exchange for their loyalty and support during elections.

Traditional leaders, in turn, publicly praise the regime for these gestures, portraying them as beneficial for the district’s development. One chief, interviewed by ZBC News, expressed his gratitude, stating, “We are happy that the party is helping us restore our district through these programs.” However, such statements must be viewed in the context of the pressure these leaders face to support the regime, often at the expense of their own people’s needs and rights.

ZANU PF officials, including Honourable Tinashe Shumba, the party’s Central Committee member for Mberengwa Central, continue to emphasize the importance of traditional leaders in shaping the future of rural communities. Shumba pointed out that the party’s longstanding relationship with chiefs dates back to the liberation struggle, suggesting that this historical alliance should be maintained for the benefit of the nation. However, the reality is that traditional leaders are now increasingly used as pawns to ensure that the party retains control in rural constituencies.

In exchange for these “development” handouts, traditional leaders are expected to actively endorse ZANU PF’s policies, mobilize voters, and suppress dissent within their communities. The ruling party’s increasing reliance on traditional leaders for electoral success has led to accusations that chiefs and headmen are being politicized, undermining their traditional role as impartial community leaders. Many chiefs are pressured to align with the party or face the risk of losing support, resources, and even their positions.

While some traditional leaders may genuinely believe that the regime’s development initiatives will benefit their communities, it is clear that ZANU PF’s manipulation of these leaders for political gain raises serious concerns about their independence and the true nature of the party’s so-called development agenda. Instead of empowering rural communities, these tactics often lead to a deepening of political patronage, where the needs of the people are secondary to the party’s desire to maintain power.

In essence, what is being presented as a partnership for development is, in many ways, a calculated strategy to control the rural electorate. Traditional leaders, once seen as neutral custodians of cultural values, are now at risk of being co-opted into the service of a regime that uses them to secure its own political survival.

By A Correspondent

The water crisis in Beitbridge continues to deepen as major supply dams see their levels drop due to the ongoing El Niño-induced drought. The situation has left the town grappling with severe water shortages, with some suburbs now going up to 48 hours without adequate water supply.

The Zimbabwe National Water Authority (Zinwa) is responsible for supplying raw water to the Beitbridge Municipality, which then treats and delivers it to residents. However, the cash-strapped council is struggling to service its mounting debt, which has now exceeded ZWG3 million. As a result, Zinwa has taken action to limit the council’s access to water, further exacerbating the crisis.

Compounding the problem, residents, businesses, and government departments owe the council a staggering ZWG40 million in unpaid bills. This has made it even more difficult for the council to keep up with its water supply obligations.

Beitbridge residents have been forced to rely on water vendors, who sell a 20-litre bucket of borehole water for between R3 and R5. This is a far cry from the clean and reliable water they once received through the municipal system.

During a recent budget presentation, Beitbridge Deputy Mayor, Councillor John Manatsa, spoke candidly about the council’s dire situation. “We need US$20,000 or its equivalent every week to restore normal supplies of water while paying part of the debt at every recharge,”

By A CORRESPONDENT

Three armed robbers have been apprehended in Bulawayo following a dramatic shootout with police along Luveve Road on Monday morning.

Police spokesperson Commissioner Paul Nyathi confirmed the arrest, stating that investigations are ongoing.

“We can confirm that the ZRP arrested three men following a shoot-out with the police in Bulawayo this morning. Investigations are underway, and we will provide more details soon,” Nyathi said.

Sources close to the investigation revealed that the suspects were allegedly involved in the theft of a Ford Ranger vehicle at an entertainment venue known as KoChigumira in Bulawayo last Wednesday. The trio reportedly used the stolen vehicle in a series of robberies in Gwanda, where they exchanged gunfire with detectives from the Criminal Investigation Department (CID).

Despite the exchange of fire, the suspects managed to flee the scene. However, police later recovered the stolen vehicle and a firearm.

By Political Reporter-Three Zanu PF, provincial structures have renewed their allegiance to President Emmerson Mnangagwa and said that he should continue ruling beyond 2028.

This renewed fight is against the party’s second secretary and Vice President, Constantino Chiwenga, who should succeed Mnangagwa in 2028.

These party’s structures are in Harare, Masvingo and Mashonaland East provinces.

Addressing Zanu PF inter-district meetings in Zone 3 Kuwadzana and Zone 4 at the Harare provincial offices yesterday, the party’s Secretary for Education, Research and Ideology, Charles Tavengwa, said members should be guided by the constitution and be wary of infiltrators who are bent on creating divisions.

He outlined the resolutions which were presented and adopted at the Annual National People’s Conference.

Tavengwa said one of the major resolutions is that the term of office of President Mnangagwa be extended from 2028 to 2030. All the provinces, he said, adopted that resolution.

“It is now up to us as party members and the generality of Zimbabweans to see that the resolution is implemented if we want that term extended.

It is now about how do we achieve that, is it by the amendment of the national constitution, if that has to be done so be it,” said Tavengwa.

Harare provincial chairman Godwills Masimirembwa weighed in saying one of the key resolutions which came out of the conference was for President Mnangagwa to serve beyond 2028.

“The position is that the resolution was adopted at the conference. As Harare province, we will continue to humbly call on President Mnangagwa to accept the wishes of the people for him to serve beyond 2028.
“We have heard what has been said by the party’s Secretary for Legal Affairs, Patrick Chinamasa, but we as President Mnangagwa’s children are happy with his performance.
“We are excited by his leadership, and we continue to knock on his door, humbly requesting that he accepts our pleas to enable the process of amending the constitution to take place.
“The good thing though is that Chinamasa indicated that it is possible to amend the constitution and therefore it is possible to act lawfully, and constitutionally to extend the term of office of the President or to come up with a legal mechanism that will allow the President to serve up to 2030,” he said.

He said Harare Province has not shifted from that resolution.

Addressing an inter-district meeting in Chikomba yesterday, Mashonaland East provincial chairman Daniel Garwe said there was one resolution which cut across all the committee resolutions at the People’s Conference, and that is President Mnangagwa should remain in office until 2030 and see his Vision 2030 coming to fruition.
“The thematic committee which presented on that was led by Chinamasa and he presented the resolutions as they are.
“After he presented that, we did not see anyone, or people or organisations who objected to the resolutions which then means everyone at the conference was satisfied by all the resolutions including the 2030 one,” said Garwe.
“Our appeal is that you give the feedback as it is, not a distorted one. All the resolutions were adopted and this should be conveyed to people during inter-district meetings.
“The President said when his term is over, he will leave, he also said that he is a constitutionalist, yes, he is. This is according to the constitution. But let us not mix the constitution and vision. President Mnangagwa has a vision and he needs support, loyalty and endurance. The vision has a destination”.

On Saturday, Zanu PF Masvingo Province insisted that President Mnangagwa should remain at the helm of the country until the year 2030 to see through his vision of propelling Zimbabwe into an empowered upper middle-income society.

Addressing a Provincial Coordinating Committee (PCC) meeting on Saturday, Zanu PF Masvingo provincial chair Robson Mavhenyengwa said the chorus for President Mnangagwa to remain in office until 2030 was not dead.
“We will be taking our conference resolutions to the grassroots in the district because we are coming from our conference (Annual National People’s Conference) and the top amongst the resolutions that we are taking to the grassroots is that President Mnangagwa should remain in office until 2030, that resolution was supported by all provinces (of the party) and that will be our number one resolution when we go to the people in the grassroots. We are saying as Masvingo province we are solidly behind President Mnangagwa’s vision and we fully support that he remains in office until 2030,’’ said Mavhenyengwa.

Zanu PF Secretary for Security in the Politburo, Lovemore Matuke, called on party members to show loyalty to the party leadership.

By A Correspondent

Tensions within Zimbabwe’s ruling Zanu PF party have escalated sharply as hardliners loyal to President Emmerson Mnangagwa begin a fierce campaign against the growing influence of Vice President Constantino Chiwenga and his military backers.

This new conflict comes as Mnangagwa’s inner circle, bolstered by powerful party figures, increasingly seeks to curb Chiwenga’s rising political ambitions.

In a dramatic shift in the party dynamics, Mnangagwa’s hardline supporters have taken a decisive stand against what they perceive as Chiwenga’s growing attempt to position himself as the next leader of the country. The President’s allies are now openly declaring war on the Vice President, and a new wave of political maneuvering is threatening to upend the delicate balance of power within Zanu PF.

According to party insiders, key figures close to Mnangagwa have launched a full-scale offensive against what they have dubbed the “Genarari faction,” a term they’ve coined to describe Chiwenga’s growing support base.

These hardliners argue that Chiwenga’s military ties and ambitions to extend his influence within the party pose a threat to the stability of the ruling party.

Lovemore Matuke, a prominent Zanu PF member and the newly appointed State Security Minister, has been at the forefront of this campaign.

In a recent statement, Matuke made it clear that any attempt to challenge Mnangagwa’s leadership would not be tolerated.

“We will not allow any attempts to undermine the President’s leadership,” he reportedly asserted.

“The President is staying, and those plotting against him must face the consequences.”

Matuke’s remarks reflect the rising hostility towards Chiwenga’s faction, as the battle for control of the party intensifies.

Zanu PF insiders suggest that the once-fractured hardline camp is now more united than ever, rallying around Mnangagwa in a bid to thwart Chiwenga’s ambitions.

As the conflict deepens, the stage is set for an inevitable confrontation, with both sides preparing for what could be a fierce and consequential battle for dominance within Zanu PF. The future of the party—and possibly the country—now hinges on the outcome of this high-stakes political struggle.

By A Correspondent

Zimbabwe experienced a nationwide power outage from Sunday night into Monday morning, causing widespread frustration, particularly on social media.

The blackout prompted a swift response from the Zimbabwe Electricity Transmission and Distribution Company (ZETDC), which issued a statement on Monday to address the issue.

“We regret to advise our valued customers that the national grid experienced a system disturbance last night resulting in a system blackout,” the statement read.

ZETDC claimed that the disturbance in the national grid was the cause of the outage, but that efforts were quickly made to restore service.

“Our engineers reacted and began the restoration process,” the statement continued. “We are happy to advise that as of this morning most of the load centres have been picked countrywide.”

By A Correspondent

Former Botswana President Ian Khama has called for sanctions against Zimbabwe if its ruling party, Zanu-PF, is found to have interfered in elections within neighboring countries.

Khama specifically proposed that Zimbabwe should face potential expulsion from the Southern African Development Community (SADC).

“If proven, there must be a severe warning of sanctions and even expulsion,” Khama told The Namibian in an interview on Wednesday.

He emphasized the importance of holding countries accountable for any actions that undermine the integrity of regional elections.

Khama pointed to several instances that raised concerns about Zimbabwe’s involvement in Botswana’s internal affairs.

“The frequent trips by our intelligence services to Zimbabwe leading up to the elections, the attempt by Mokgweetsi Masisi to allow Zimbabwe nationals to enter Botswana without passports, and the public statement by their president (Emmerson Mnangagwa) at a Zanu-PF rally pledging its support for the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP),” Khama outlined.

These actions, he argued, point to a pattern of interference that warrants serious scrutiny and potential punitive measures.

By A Correspondent

Tensions within Zimbabwe’s ruling Zanu PF party continue to escalate, despite efforts to downplay the growing power struggle between President Emmerson Mnangagwa and Vice President Constantino Chiwenga.

The battle has reached a fever pitch as Chiwenga’s military supporters grow increasingly restless and impatient with Mnangagwa’s push for a controversial extension of his second term from 2028 to 2030.

While Mnangagwa’s political allies remain largely undeterred by the risks of direct confrontation, the stakes are rising.

The president’s backers appear determined to press ahead, unshaken by the mounting internal opposition. Chiwenga’s faction, backed by military figures, is now openly challenging Mnangagwa’s authority, creating a volatile situation within the party.

Lovemore Matuke, a key Mnangagwa ally and Zanu PF’s Secretary for Security in the Politburo as well as the new State Security Minister, made his position clear.

According to Zanu PF insiders, Matuke declared, “Our position is clear, the President is staying. No two ways about it.”

Matuke’s statement highlights the determination of Mnangagwa’s supporters, who show no signs of retreating despite the growing pressure from Chiwenga’s camp.

As the rivalry intensifies, the threat of an open confrontation within Zanu PF looms larger, with both factions preparing for a possible showdown.

By A Correspondent|The two girls who were arrested following reports that they stole US$4500 from a Mpilo Matutu at Mashwede village over the weekend have been released after the complainant failed to appear in court.

Makanaka Mukundwa and Melissa Katiyo were paraded on social media before they were detained at Braeside police station.

They were accused of stealing $4500 from Matutu they met at the local pub where South African Kabza De Small show.

Matutu offered a reward to anyone who could identify them and even explained the circumstances leading to the eventual loss of $4500.

“I was robbed of $4,500 in a car at Kabza De Small’s show yesterday. The lady involved left her shoes and purse, as well as her friend’s. I also have a video of her—can you help trace her? I was in the VIP section at the Mashwede event with Kabza and DJ Maphorisa. She joined me at my table. Later, we decided to shift to the bar and went to the car with her and her friend. I then remembered I needed to see someone before leaving. When I returned to the car, they were gone, leaving behind their shoes and handbags, but there was nothing in the bags. The money (US$4,500), which was in the dashboard, was missing,” said Matutu.

By A Correspondent| Former Energy and power development minister Fortune Chasi has said he is ready to serve and save Zimbabweans from excruciating pain of load-shedding currently hitting the country.

Posting on X, Chasi said he is seeing citizens’ demands for him to be re-appointed to his former portfolio saying should it happen, he is ready to serve.

“I cant pretend that i am not seeing your “demands” to go back to my former job. I do not take your confidence in me lightly. I encounter it daily & everywhere. As i have said before, serving one’s country is a duty we must all be ready. I am!,” said Chasi.

Zimbabwe is currently experiencing extended hours of loadshedding due to low water levels at Kariba dam.

Just yesterday evening, ZESA announced that they had a national power outage following that resulted in a system blackout.

“We regret to advise our valued customers that the national grid experienced a system disturbance last night resulting in a system blackout.

“Our Engineers reacted and began the restoration process. We are happy to advise that as of this morning most of the load centres have been picked countrywide. We sincerely apologise for the inconvenience caused,”

By A Correspondent | Barely a year after orchestrating parliamentary recalls that weakened Nelson Chamisa’s Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC), self-proclaimed opposition figure Sengezo Tshabangu finds himself in financial turmoil. The Standard can exclusively reveal that rival faction leader Welshman Ncube has received a significant windfall under the Political Parties (Finance) Act, sidelining Tshabangu in a dramatic turn of events.

Ncube Secures Funding, Tshabangu Excluded

The funds, reportedly deposited into the bank account of Ncube’s CCC faction last week, have left Tshabangu reeling. Ncube, when contacted, neither confirmed nor denied the development but asserted his faction’s legitimacy.

“There is no question about that because we are the legitimate CCC,” Ncube was quoted byThe Standard. “The money is due to CCC, and we are CCC entitled to the fund in terms of the law.”

Tshabangu had lobbied to be a co-signatory on the party’s bank account, but his attempts were blocked by Ncube, effectively cutting him off from the funds.

Allegations of Collusion and Deception

Adding to Tshabangu’s woes are explosive allegations of collusion with ZANU PF and its affiliates. He was caught on camera meeting a man believed to be an aide of Scott Sakupwanya, a controversial businessman implicated in Al Jazeera’s GoldMafia documentary and a key ally of President Emmerson Mnangagwa.

The meeting, held at Crowne Plaza Hotel in Harare, has deepened suspicions about Tshabangu’s ties to ZANU PF. Despite his repeated denials of working with Mnangagwa’s ruling party, undercover journalist Simba Chikanza revealed footage of Tshabangu’s interactions, including his acknowledgment of Sakupwanya’s involvement in drafting a letter to the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU).

This letter, allegedly intended to justify Tshabangu’s parliamentary recalls, has been dismissed as fraudulent by CCC leader Nelson Chamisa and condemned by the IPU, which demanded the reversal of the expulsions.

A Year of Controversial Recalls

Tshabangu’s recalls, initiated in October, resulted in the abrupt removal of 23 elected CCC representatives, sparking violence and unrest. Among the casualties was Bishop Tapfumaneyi Masaya, a campaign agent for CCC’s Mabvuku candidate, who was murdered under mysterious circumstances.

Critics have accused Tshabangu of working as a proxy for ZANU PF’s efforts to undermine the opposition. The recalls, described as “rain-making rituals” by observers, are seen as part of a broader strategy to destabilize Chamisa’s party.

Mounting Evidence Against Tshabangu

Chikanza’s undercover investigation has further exposed Tshabangu’s connections to ZANU PF operatives. The journalist, posing as “Cde Mabhunu,” revealed footage of Tshabangu waiting at the Crowne Plaza with Sakupwanya’s aides, allegedly thanking them for their assistance.

The video evidence, combined with the IPU letter’s provenance, has tightened the noose around Tshabangu’s credibility. CCC officials have cited the revelations as proof of his betrayal and called for accountability.

Tshabangu Dismisses Allegations

In response to the allegations, Tshabangu dismissed the revelations as “pathetic journalism” in a brief statement to ZimEye. However, the mounting evidence has left his political career hanging by a thread.

What’s Next?

As the fallout continues, Tshabangu faces increasing isolation, both financially and politically. The revelations could bolster CCC’s case against his legitimacy while raising questions about ZANU PF’s role in the recalls.

Meanwhile, Welshman Ncube’s financial victory signals a shift in the opposition landscape, with the CCC faction he leads gaining significant resources to consolidate its position.

The saga underscores the high-stakes political manoeuvres and deep-rooted tensions within Zimbabwe’s opposition, as well as the enduring influence of ZANU PF in shaping the country’s political dynamics.-ZimEye

Court Report: Nkulumane Man Acquitted of Rape Charges

By A Correspondent | A 65-year-old man from Nkulumane, Bulawayo, has been acquitted of charges of raping his 17-year-old granddaughter after the Bulawayo Regional Court found insufficient evidence to sustain the allegations. The man’s name has been withheld to protect the identity of the complainant.

Background of the Case

The accused faced allegations of having raped his granddaughter twice—once in 2014 and again in 2023. The complainant alleged that both incidents took place in the accused’s bedroom at night, during moments when they were alone.

Prosecutor Ms. Nomthandazo Mafu informed the court that the first incident allegedly occurred on August 9, 2014, when the complainant was preparing blankets in the accused’s bedroom. The accused allegedly entered the room, pushed her onto a mattress, and raped her. The second alleged incident reportedly took place on August 11, 2023, under similar circumstances.

However, inconsistencies in the complainant’s testimony and the lack of corroborative evidence significantly weakened the State’s case.

Court Proceedings

The accused’s lawyer, Ms. Bandile Mpofu of Bukhosi Ncube Attorneys, challenged the credibility of the complainant’s testimony, pointing out contradictions and inconsistencies. Ms. Mpofu argued that the complainant fabricated the allegations to avoid punishment at home.

“The complainant’s account was inconsistent and unreliable. She even claimed the accused raped her while she had shorts on, which was impractical. Additionally, the medical report submitted by the State confirmed she was sexually active but did not link the accused to the alleged acts,” argued Ms. Mpofu.

Ms. Mafu, for the prosecution, acknowledged that the evidence presented was insufficient to establish the accused’s guilt. She stated that while the complainant was indeed sexually active, the medical evidence did not provide a direct link to the accused.

Verdict

In her ruling, Magistrate Ms. Sibonginkosi Mnkandla noted that the State’s case lacked the necessary evidence to support a conviction.

“After hearing the testimonies by the complainant and State witnesses, the court noted that there is a lack of evidence linking the accused to the alleged offence. Accordingly, he is found not guilty and discharged,” said the magistrate.

Key Observations

The court emphasized the importance of consistent and reliable evidence, particularly in sensitive cases involving allegations of sexual violence. The inconsistencies in the complainant’s statements were highlighted as a major factor in the acquittal.

By A Correspondent

Police have arrested eight individuals believed to be behind a string of armed robberies that took place in Bulawayo between February and November 2024. The suspects are linked to several incidents, including robberies at service stations in Kelvin North and a home in Nkulumane 5, where cash and valuables were stolen.

By A Correspondent

Illegally imported goods, including soft drinks, detergents, and baby formula — some containing harmful substances — have inundated the Zimbabwean market, posing a severe risk to both public health and the economy.

A recent market survey conducted by the Consumer Protection Commission (CPC) has revealed a concerning prevalence of smuggled products, many of which are believed to contain toxic additives, harmful pathogens, and expired or spoiled ingredients. The authorities have raised alarms, warning that these counterfeit goods could cause foodborne illnesses, allergic reactions, and long-term health complications.

The surge in these illicit products is attributed to weak border controls and the growing demand for affordable alternatives. Small retail shops, particularly in areas like Mbare and downtown Harare, have been identified as hotspots where unscrupulous traders repackage substandard goods to deceive consumers.

Among the counterfeit items discovered during the CPC’s inspection were low-quality rice being falsely marketed as premium Mahatma rice, and fake Mazoe orange juice smuggled in from Zambia. In addition, counterfeit Mama’s Tomato Sauce was found in significant quantities. Many of the fake products were labelled in foreign languages, leaving consumers without essential information regarding safety or proper use.

These actions violate consumer protection laws and have raised concerns among authorities.

In an interview with The Sunday Mail, Mr. Kudakwashe Mudereri, the CPC’s Research and Public Affairs Manager, explained that the commission had been monitoring the situation through market surveillance and intelligence gathering, anticipating a crackdown on smuggling. “We focused on the rising issue of smuggled, counterfeit, and substandard goods in the market,” he said. “We observed a significant influx of products from Zambia, South Africa, and Mozambique, including soft drinks, sugar, flour, infant formula, and detergents.”

Mudereri also noted an increase in the number of counterfeit electrical goods, gas tanks, and solar panels circulating in the market.

The influx of counterfeit foodstuffs, he added, presents a serious health risk. “These products often contain harmful chemicals, pathogens, and spoiled ingredients, which can lead to foodborne illnesses, allergic reactions, and long-term chronic health conditions,” Mudereri warned.

By A Correspondent | ZimEye | The maserati flaunting journalist Hopewell Chin’ono alleges saying Nelson Chamisa was going to destroy the country if he had been inaugurated.

Hopewell Chin’ono (HC) who later in the year launched his political outfit called Govt In Exile which he says is more popular than both Chamisa and Mnangagwa, holds these views since his announcements back in Feb.

He first announced them back on Sunday the 25th of February 2024, in a nation address that was hosted by a colleague of his based in the United Kingdom better known as Uncle Ged(GB), and who runs by the name Gerald Belts. The session lasted over six hours as Chinono announced some very strong and sometimes totally contradictory statements while saying among other things that:

1. Zim politicians, Nelson Chamisa, Robert Mugabe, Emmerson Mnangagwa do not want to be accountable. Regarding his own issues, he said people shouldn’t ask him (Chinono) to account for the GBP50,000 loan he got from a UK dealership in 1996 to buy his first home. He said it is nonsensical for people to expect him to name the dealership he alleges made him property rich.

2. He said Nelson Chamisa is a product of the military who advised Tsvangirai to appoint him in Thokozani Khupe’s stead… Evidence of him (Chin’ono) advising the military minister VP Chiwenga to descend on Chamisa/Civil Society since 2019 comprises fake audios.

3. He said Nelson Chamisa would have destroyed the country if he’d won 2023 elections… He denied advising the Ministry Of Defence to destroy Nelson Chamisa’s party, saying he did not advise the military minister/head VP Chiwenga to ‘destroy the civil society’ – that is, to descend on Chamisa/Civil Society since 2019.

The following was his full talk:

HC: Thank you very much, uncle Ged and thank you very much to everyone who is on this space , those that are here anonymously I welcome you too. I think it is important for me to start by saying that this conversation that I am having with you today is a National conversation I want to talk about the state of our national politics. It’s not an opportunity for me as a journalist to attack anyone, it is not an opportunity for me as a journalist to bash anyone, but the work of a Journalist is to reflect on what is happening in your country and some of the reflections you might not like them, but that is the nature of our work as (a Journalist), and that is the nature of human beings as well that we don’t have to agree on everything, but we don’t have to be disagreeable by this by being disagreeable. I mean that we don’t have to descend into calling each other names, insults and so forth. So what I’m going to be saying is based on how I see things. I would like to start by saying that where we are today was formed by history, so we cannot avoid the history the political history of our country because it is what has given birth to what where we are today.

We are a country in dire straits. We are a country that is broken both from the citizen side and also the state’s side; some might say I won’t be pushing it to say we are a failed state because we can’t provide healthcare for our citizens. We can’t provide good schools for our citizens we can’t provide decent roads for our citizens we can’t provide clean drinking water for our citizens. We can’t provide decent roads for our citizens even the pensioners are not getting paid.

Whatever they’re getting is very minimal and if you look at how they have worked so hard for the past 40 years. I’ve got a very good friend of mine who died Tuesday. Years ago, Professor Kahari we owe him all his money, was wiped out by Old Mutual. The country is not working at all. And otherwise, but our crisis in Zimbabwe manifests itself through economics.

The politics is bad but it manifests itself through economics and what I have always said is that the crisis in Zimbabwe can be based or best described as the crisis of corrupt government because all our problems they find route in state corruption, whether it is hospitals if it is council, whether it is roads, whether it’s basic things like water it’s all finds its roots in corruption so we have a corruption problem in Zimbabwe which is sponsored by politics and it manifests itself through economics which is why we have the highest inflation rate in the world, which is why our local currency lost 95% of its strength in the past 12 months and it affects ordinary people in the streets, and it is these ordinary people in the streets that are more concerned than the political elite or the business elite, so when I speak in my every day runs or whether it is tweet or Facebook or Instagram my heart is with the poor people that goes other people I care about, and those are the people that are bearing the brunt of the political crisis in Zimbabwe all these other people, including the political, elite and so forth do not suffer.

The indignity that our people are suffering so when we defend politicians whether it is Zanu PF or opposition politicians, we must remind we must be reminded that the people that we should be actually be caring about the poor people and not spending our time boot licking, political elites.

So I want to start from the late 90s or mid 90s I want to use myself as an example of the people that were around me that saw that things were not going to work. One of my relatives was very higher up in Govt in the 90s, when I finished, journalism school, said to me, you get out of the country that was in 1994 and I said why? Because at that time I was making money and I thought things were hunky dory, but errm, she had the foresight that I did have as a young man. I was 21 years old when I left Zimbabwe for Britain in 1994, and I understood what he meant when I got to Britain because the opportunities that were available for me and many others that were in Britain and I have seen some couple of guys that were me in Britain with me in the 1990s they can allude to the fact that you could just walk in the bank into a bank and apply for loan.

A lot of Zimbabweans went into truck business; a lot of Zimbabwe that were in England went into trucks borrowing money. I remember going to Coventry Peter Ndlovu was popular that time. Because I think there was a trucking company that he had good relations with; and a lot of people would say, oh, I’m going to see Peter I want to buy trucks and some people became millionaires through that; opportunities which were not necessarily available to people that were back home.

We saw our moment at different times. I saw it in 1994, some saw it in 2000, some 2008 and so forth. So in 1997, the currency collapsed; in 1998, In 1999, we went into the DRC and we were spending over $1 million a day fighting the DRC war. The spoils of that war were supposed to come to the Zimbabwean people, the gold, the diamonds, but they were pocketed into private pockets of Zanu PF elites and military elites, so the war became purposeless to the ordinary citizens because state machinery was used and state funds were used, but the returns from that war went into private pockets, and that is when the World Bank and the IMF disengaged from Zimbabwe dealing with Zimbabwe, because the Robert Gabriel Mugabe government did not want to release the figures that reflected what it was spending in the Congo and contrary to what some people say, sanctions were not imposed in relation to the World Bank and IMF in 2001, they were a, Zimbabwe pulled out, Mugabe pulled out because he did not want to be accountable, a trait that we see in our politics and a trait that needs to end if we are going to get somewhere.

So the opposition is formed in 1999, I remember the NCA which gave birth to the MDC: Brian Kagoro contested against Morgan Tsvangirai, Morgan Tsvangirai won, and then he became president of MDC and errrm, in 2002, when they realised that the MDC was a potent force after it managed to mobilise against the constitutional Reform Process document in 2000, the military became involved in a blatant way. In the past it was involved from the back, but it was now at the front when general Zvinavashe announced that they would not salute anybody who did not take part in the liberation struggle.

I must say that, although they were saying that Morgan Tsvangirai, who was in Zanu PF, was a ZANU PF cadre before all this. In fact, he worked hand in glove with Albert Mugabe, who was a Trade Unionist and Mugabe’s half brother, and so most of this elderly generation, older generation, their roots were in Zanu PF, but they were dissatisfied with the rule of Zanu PF, and most of them became the opposition that gave birth to everything that we got to know about in the past 24 years . Errr in 2005, it’s an important milestone, or rather not milestone, but it’s an important point an aberration for the opposition because that is when the first split of the opposition happened and this split it’s about Professor Welshman Ncube who was secretary general; vice president Sibanda and involved, David Coltart, Trudy Stevenson and many others; aaah, they left because the constitution of the opposition had been violated; the president of the opposition, Morgan Tsvangirai had refused to adhere to the vote results of the national executive council.

They were voting whether they should participate in the senatorial elections: the other side said yes, the other side said no. The no side was represented by Morgan Tsvangirai. The yes side is the one that eventually left with Professor Welshman Ncube and others; the constitution had been violated; at this point, we then realised that Zimbabweans are not actually different. They are the same when the constitution is violated. They don’t care as long as it is their favourite who has violated the constitution when the constitution is violated by someone they don’t like they bring a constitutional issue when the constitution is violated by someone they like they say no it’s okay we can move on we can it doesn’t matter up to that day for many of you who were young at that time you see arguments advanced, but you still supporting the Morgan Tsvangirai’s failure to adhere to the constitution, but to some of us, we said, but if you are constitutionalists, if you say you are fighting to change the constitution of Zimbabwe because you’re fighting because to make sure that Govt to the question if you can violate your constitution when you’re opposing what can stop you from violating your own constitution like the way Zanu PF is doing, but anyway, needless to say they moved on the other one became MDC the other one MDC Morgan Chirara they became political parties with sentence and then we moved to 2007 in March, Morgan Tsvangirai was beaten badly, and this gave life to the opposition, because at this point in time, the opposition was now being perceived, as weak, they were being perceived to be out of touch and regional leaders were not taking them seriously until Zanu PF does what he does best to create an own goal.

They beat up Morgan Tsvangirai badly; it was splashed around the world and it changed the dynamics of politics. We were now heading into the 2008 elections which took place in March 2008 button in Zanu PF. There were also problems -they were fighting each other. There was general Mujuru, who was fighting pushing for Robert Mugabe’s retirement, and Robert Mugabe was pushing back, Mugabe won that battle against General Mujuru at the Goromonzi , Conference or Congress I can’t remember, but anyway he won that battle and they went into an election.

And of course we know that Mavambo was formed by General Mujuru, who was the backer of Mavambo. Robert Mugabe lost the election as we came to know later, when he had a Freudian slip, he exposed himself, and it is on tape then in 2008, something happened, which I’ve never seen it happened, reported and I want to say Zanu PF has always been adapt at using counter intelligence using people so what they do when they used counterintelligence they will go to an opposition, political leader and and they will give information to somebody this person will then give you nine stories about what’s happening and these nine stories will be correct, but they will be of no relevance at all so you may just be told that old man someone is going to be fired. I just decided to tell you so Morgan Tsvangirai; I became attached to these people because he thought that they are my young man, and one of them was Wicknell Chivayo with Chivayo was the one who went to Tsvangirai and said, old man, he was to be killed, take this money and run away, but what had happened is that the state Zanu PF machinery was afraid that if Morgan Tsvangirai had stayed in the country, people would’ve mobilised around him, rejected what ZEC was trying to do with the results and and go to the streets and just make the country ungovernable because, for the first time, Robert Mugabe had lost, and he had accepted that he had lost, but he had played around with the numbers to say that I’ve not lost enough, for me to become president, so Morgan Tsvangirai, against the advice of so many people people like Ibbo Mandaza were saying that you can’t go, but he was now saying I’ve got my young man who told me that they want to kill me and he went against the advice.

When Morgan Tsvangirai came back, we got an exclusive at that time, I was an journalist with ITV news covering Zimbabwe and other countries, and I got an exclusive to fly with Morgan Tsvangirai back for the first time, coming back to form a Govt, but to finish off the talks and to formalise them under president Thabo Mbeki of South Africa, and so I flew to South Africa at the instance of, at the instigation of my boss Tim Singleton who is now the head of news at Sky News.

And I got to South Africa and Morgan Tsvangirai at that time was very good friends, and being assisted by Strive Masiyiwa, who at the time owned the daily news, and of course, owned Econet as well, and I remember when we were flying out with Jameson Timba flew into OR Tambo, and we met him in the diplomatic lounge, and he said old man they want to kill me. At least he is alive to confirm this story, and I was amazed
Because I could see that counterintelligence had been used they had been infiltrated, and they were given information such that the main pillars around Morgan Tsvangirai, Jameson Timba and….(sic) at that time are afraid and they are put on the run so that the system can do what it wants to do and anyway we had a GNU. The basis of this GNU was to make sure that there is reforms; reforms that had created the crisis that we had, but unfortunately our colleagues in the opposition went into government and they did not focus on the main or rather core business of the GNU which was reforms.

They became obsessed with power. I remember when it was in 2012, I flew into Barcelona to interview Cherie Blair, Tony Blair’s wife for the film that I was making with an American Director and I did not realise that Morgan Tsvangirai was going to be at the same event as a key note speaker with Cherie Blair, and he saw me in the hotel in the hotel lobby and said young man, what are you doing here? Come here; and he instructed Jameson Timba, who was minister in his office to say he must come to my dinner, and I went to the dinner, and we had a discussion, a private discussion.

It was private because it was in confidence, but what I observed was that they had been sucked into the false belief that they were now in charge that they now had power, state power, but I believe that Robert Mugabe did this deliberately to give them a false sense of hope that things were going to be changed while and ZANU went to the underground and start planning. And this is what Zanu PF actually did. It ran a parallel Govt where it was getting money from Chiadzwa, the 15 thousand that Bob talked about, and Biti was being deprived, although he managed to steer the ship away from the rot, but the econom didn’t grow; the economy was stabilised; they were able to start. I remember that time I was able to take money out of my new Barclays Bank ATM and life became fairly stable, not too great for the ordinary people, but it became relatively stable but anyway we were headed into the 2013 elections.

The reforms that were the only specific reforms that it taken at that time was the constitution which was passed in 2013 February, but the rest had not been done and the region was worried about it and specifically President Jacob Nzuma, who has been and was the only president in the region who has been such a close friend of ZIMBABWE, including assisting them they were too. it was him, and there was PRESIDENT, of Bwanya, who couldn’t do much material, but under President Zuma and President Zuma Zimbabweans got the permits, but with the president, he said we are doing this to give you papers, and the Maputo Summit that took place was the last summit before the election, and President Zuma mentioned that without reforms you are done, don’t take part in elections without reforms and Prime Minister Tsvangirai didn’t listen to this advice and I remember Mrs Zulu who was a government minister in the South African government was so insisting that there must be a boycott if there are no reforms, and she really supported Zimbabwe to appoint that Robert Mugabe called her as Street Woman, a prostitute. I think some of you remember that that is how much the Jacob Zuma government tried to help us, but we couldn’t help ourselves, and in that year 2013, Prime Minister Tsvangirai said no, one of my lieutenants Nelson Chamisa told me that there’s a prophecy that I’m going to win this election, I’ve received a crown into State House; I should go into the elections, we will win them regardless of whether they are reforms, but as we all know the opposition lost but up to now they don’t know how 2013 was right then the next stage was what was then called renewal senior members in the MDC like to die like Elton Mangoma, they came up and said no, you have let us into an election which we were not supposed to go into.

We have lost; you should now give us a timetable of, and of course MorganTsvangirai didn’t take that lightly and you know they had to leave. Tendai, and Elton was beaten badly and blood and they left; that was the second split, but the split was not as significant as the first one, because the first one, the other guys came from, most of them came from Matebeleand, so there was an ethnic aspect, to it, so it was actually damaging to the opposition. Much less the Tendai Biti one it was not based on ethnicity. It was based on values people saying we need to do this and that there was no ethnic component. Whereas the 2005 was so difficult because there was an ethnic component to it, if these guys had come together in 2008 reconciled as they wanted to, things would’ve been much tougher for the Zanu PF government. You see, rigging is very easy when it involves a political party
without a lot of people who are heavyweights it is very easy as I shall explain later; so fast forward we go to 2014 when the MDC had its constitution; popular Nelson Chamisa was running for Sec General. He was rigged by Morgan Tsvangirai,

Morgan Tsvangirai pushed for Mwonzora. For the secretary General, I think Nelson Chamisa had 9 provinces out of 10 but he was worried to get out of it and Morgan Tsvangirai did accept privately to a lot of people that he did it. The issue was that there are people around me who were saying that this young man has become power hungry; that’s why we had to take that action, but I have mentioned that action because that is when the seed of Mwonzora was planted. The Secretary General could have been Nelson Chamisa. We don’t have the benefit of knowing what could have happened and then in 20 I think it was 2015 if not 2016 MorganTsvangirai was approached by elements of the military, it’s important to mention that the opposition were always had elements of the military, which it talks to, and I’ve always argued to them that these people are managing you as opposed to helping you, but anyway, the opposition was approached. Morgan Tsvangirai was approached – one of the people that he spoke to is still alive, General Rugeje.

They were advised that well, we are not saying that you are going to die, but your political party is a very important institution in Zimbabwe. Although we are on the other side; but we care about what happens to your party if you die; it means that this Ndebele woman is going to take over. We cannot have a situation where this woman takes over, so you need to take care of your stuff. So the advice was given; some of the things are going to be for books but advice was given and he appointed Nelson Chamisa he appointed Mudzuri and there were factions.

And some of the factions said that the way you are now running the party you are now doing it among yourselves, as the Karangas. You yourself are a Karanga, and he said no, that is not it. We are trying to manage there is a situation that I need to manage and anyway Morgan
Tsvangirai became very ill as we all know he died in 2018, February 14; there was confusion because the constitution said that Thokozani Khupe Is the one who is supposed to take over because she was elected at Congress the other two were illegally appointed, and Nelson Chamisa and Elias Mudzuri. So, when Nelson Chamisa took over because he was the popular figure in the party and some of us at the time; I remember having a conversation with Nelson Chamisa. This one is not confidential. I remember saying to him does not happen for people to take overpower after six months. In my view. If I were you, I would actually let Thokozani Khupe go to the polls, and she will lose, because these men are not going to give up power after six months. Nelson understood this because Nelson had been the conduit between the Zanu PF side, and the Morgan side, leading up to the coup. The MDC was involved in the coup. They failed to agree on how they were going to share the spoils. And that is how they ended up, not being included, but they were part of the coup starting from 2015, to 2016, they were there when these discussions were taking place. They were part of it, and this is one of the things that infuriate me because we are meant to believe that we are the coup stars, we celebrated the coup, and yet the opposition political movement was part of the coup before we even knew about the coup ourselves, they were part of it. But there is so much deceit in Zimbabwean politics, that people want to pretend. In fact, the lawyer who got the coup to be declared legal was Thabani Mpofu in court. But all these things are sort of pushed aside, because they they are inconvenient truths, but that’s the truth. If we are going to have a nation that can build itself on the basis of the truth, we need to tell the truth for what it was regardless of how unpalatable that truth my be.

I regret myself, and I apologised at the time For supporting the coup because I thought that that there was going to be a break, and in fact, thousands of people went into the streets, not because of the coup as such but because they were so fed up of Mugabe and they thought that anything that can bring relief to Zimbabwe should be welcome; the coup for it to be successful the opposition had to take part. In fact the motion for the impeachment, the impeachment to remove Mugabe was moved by the opposition, so I think it is disingenuous for the opposition or opposition supporters to pretend as if this did not happen; but these are the facts and this is what happened. But anyway, the election happened, we know what happened, we know that our compatriots were killed, we realised that no, this is not a new dispensation. This is the same old dispensation what has changed is the driver the truck remains the same the system remains the same and for me as a journalist I have learnt that contrary to my previous perception before the coup that even if Mnangagwa is removed, the system is what needs to be removed, not just an individual.

But anyway, Mwonzora and Madam Khupe did what they did and the party headquarters of the opposition was taken and all that stuff.

Now fast forward to 2021, December we were having conversations a lot of my conversations are in confidence, so I can’t share them but the ones that I can share that have been made public by the other people that were in these conversations are the ones that I’m going to share so one of these conversations that was made public was made by Nelson himself is the fact that people like myself and Dr, Alex Magaisa are the ones that pushed him to say you need to form a new political party. Nelson did not want to form a new political party. He wanted people to run as independent or to go in as MDC and we said you can’t, because the court has made a ruling and they will just take these things away from you, and he confirmed these things at Dr Alex Magaisa‘s funeral or rather memorial, so the party is formed.

All this stuff is happening. It starts off as a party where everyone was the way they were in the previous party. People are being called vice president people are being called secretary general then somewhere along the line things changed and the thing that changed was changed without consultation to others. They were just told that this is what it is so this and some of us knew ahead of time because we had been briefed as J
journalists because we were told that this is the situation because you were tweet (sic) a lot of journalists encountered this. They would write an article and then they would get a phone call to say you can’t you can’t refer to so so as vice president, our party does not have a VP. We only have a president.

So that was the undoing in my view, and I am happy to be pushed back on this one by others who have better ideas, but that was the undoing of the opposition as it headed towards 2023 because you now had a very strong opposition, but which was now being undone by all these internal fights. You are no longer the secretary General. I remember someone was told on Twitter that our party does not have a secretary general; We don’t have this so it became a party that is about one person and one thing I can say publicly is I remember I did speak to Nelson Chamisa and I said, no my friend you know you need to work with everyone else, I can’t share what he told me because it was in confidence, but I want to put it on record that I told him that you can’t do what you’re doing it is damaging to the party. And I sold this, I will give a few examples when The gentleman who was killed in, I think his surname was Ncube. He was killed in Kwekwe. I fundraised the money, the money that was used to bury the gentleman, but through that fundraising I then realised that not having the leadership structures that we needed it. It was each time that I assisted the opposition. I did it publicly, and I declared that I am doing this because I am fighting corrupt.

I am not doing this because I’m a member of the opposition but I’m doing this as a Zimbabwean citizen and each time we fund raised money there was a fight because there was no structured leadership. In fact, some of the money would disappear, and then I would then call Nelson Chamisa to say Mr President, this is what has happened, can you fix this thing; and then I reminded I think it was around 2022, around August September I reminded him that the problem we are facing now is that we have to keep coming to you for everything, errrm, I should be going to David Coltart, I was meeting a lot of Zimbabweans in London; in America, who were saying to me Mkoma Hope, we want to donate; how do we donate and I said I can’t take your money and I remember going on Twitter saying that I’m in America. Many people were offering me money. Please don’t offer me money I will not take any money, your money needs to go to the party that you want to support, and this again I realised that the failure to have structures because Coltart was no longer the Treasurer General, there was no treasurer, so if you had to deal with anything and anyone you had to go to the President and I think it was unhealthy. It was an unhealthy situation and I think it contributed to whatever made the opposition fail to be successful. I am one person who likes not to focus much on what Zanu PF does on the opposition, because Zanu PF does what is expected of it to do. I don’t care what Zanu PF does because I know that Zanu PF is going to rig elections.

Any sensible person knows that ZANU PF is going to rig elections.

So if you expect Zanu PF to do otherwise then you become the problem; what we need to do is to focus on what to do to stop Zanu PF from rigging elections, and at that time I felt the machinery that was round Nelson Chamisa was not sufficiently equipped to push back ZANU PF from what it was doing. At the forefront, where people like Ostallos, people like Chibaya and others, but up to now, I still think that they are not sufficiently equipped, even if they form another new party and they remain the way they were CCC. The new party will remain the same. The new party will be rigged in 2028 and people like myself will not even participate because as I had predicted in 2023, and got insults and all sorts of stuff as I had predicted everything that I predicted to the teeth, but people do not want to be honest and say I think we were wrong here, I think we could have done things differently here. I think the biggest problem that we face is failure to accept the truth to say this is the problem that we are facing. How do we deal with it and we move forward we insult each other. We call each other names. They are people that are on Twitter to insult people day in day out, and I don’t think it is healthy because you end up building a very strong group of people supporting something but not sufficient enough to make that something win anything in an electoral contest and when we push people away other people away, we push people of talent away. There are a lot of Zimbabweans who have got a lot of talent in the diaspora that I speak to that; Speak to …as Zimbabweans and they tell me that Dude I want nothing to do with this. I can’t be dealing with people that insult others who call others, names and all that, but that’s what we are and I think that we need to fix it at times. I’ve been guilty of that so I know exactly what I’m talking about so there was no leadership structure. There was no collective decision-making. there was no constitution and if you wanted or today if you wanted to donate money to triple C, or to Nelson Chamisa‘s new outfit Who do you give that money to nobody knows I’ve got a lot of business people who are coming to me I had to phone Nelson Chamisa he knows it I’m not lying I can refer to things that I can share. I had to phone him and say I’ve got so and so who want to give such and such amount of money who do I give the money to somebody is sending money and you saw you guys before the elections all the money I would tweet about it because I wanted accountability but on the other side when you give money you don’t know what happens and then you hear people complaining and those are some of the issues that we couldn’t say at the time because we didn’t want to say things that would we can the opposition. We were saying things that we thought would strengthen the opposition And so some of the examples that I want to give that I could see were caused by failure to have structured leadership is that I got 10 ambulances and 10 fire engines in the United Kingdom I called Nelson Chamisa when I was with the mayor of that city we discussed the things there was no structured leadership to push that thing through and those fire engines never came through. They were given for free I got a radiotherapy machine to treat cancer in California. I then approached President Nelson Chamisa as he was called then I gave him a paper on it. I wrote a paper for him and say this is how you can do it. Nothing came out of it I got dialysis machines 40 from a Zimbabwean, who is based in Birmingham in the UK in the NHS, but nothing came out of it And I said to him you need to have somebody who specialises in health issues and I even spoke to skilled labourer about it, and I said this is the problem that we face every time I spoke to skilled labourer the company in California said we don’t want to speak to politicians. We want to speak to Nelson Chamisa’s advisory Council so that we can see how these things go to Zimbabwe, and there was no advisory council and it was embarrassing for me because it was something we had been talking about even with Dr Alex Magaisa, saying that this is what we need an advisor council around the President so that they can do with expert related issues which cannot be dealt with by the present of a party. I think for now I have said enough, but I want to end this part by saying for Nelson Chamisa; He remains the most popular politician in the country and a lot of his supporters always come to insult me why do you always talk about Nelson Chamisa- because he is the main opposition leader we cannot avoid talking about Chamisa or Mnangagwa. We talk about Mnangagwa every day because he is the main ingredient in Govt. We talk about Chamisa every day because he is the main ingredient in the opposition. You will have to be foolish to ask someone why they keep talking about the main ingredient in something so we talk about him in everything every day because he is the ingredient and so for Nelson Chamisa to remain relevant, he must accept and address the weaknesses and I am glad that some of the weaknesses have been mentioned by people around him that but need to be addressed if he wants to remain relevant to win an election. y
You can be relevant but not win an election; And it adds no value, because the idea of running an election is to win it, not just to have big numbers of people following you or having big rallies. They don’t mean anything if they are not transformed into taking State power, and going to state House because that is what we were fighting for, and I’m sure that is what we have been fighting for because we want our lives as Zimbabweans to be transformed; so if he doesn’t transform himself; if he doesn’t change; if he doesn’t accept his weaknesses, he will never defeat Zanu PF because that is how it is. We might try to sugarcoat things but he will never defeat Zanu PF as one man in his party and some friends he will never defeated, as CCC was constructed; you could tell, and some of us were saying it but of course we were insulted, but I hope with the benefit of 2023 hindsight now understand because it is very easy to rig against a one-man party. You just need to target that one man and everything falls apart; but if you have a lot of heavyweights around you even if some are bought you can’t buy everyone, but in a one-man party, you can just buy that one man and then that is the end of that show and the whole country will be behind that one man, but if you have a party with 20 strong people at the leadership, you can’t buy 20 people and take advantage of their greediness and I think I’ve got two more points that I want to add then I can just pass onto to you.

Chamisa would have destroyed the country if he had won 2023- Chinono.

The third aspect, which I will call third, and half is that in the unlikely event that Nelson had won unlikely I’m going to explain because it was going to be impossible to win the election. The way it was structured the way that was FAZ. We cannot deny the fact that the election was stolen. Nelson can win any election any day, but he needs to have an infrastructure that can protect the vote and make sure he goes to State house if someone wins an election as a one-man if Nelson Chamisa had won and been inaugurated the possibility of destroying the country was there because if you can’t respect your constitution or if you don’t believe in one because you say infiltration and then you run away from your party because of infiltration it just shows how some of these things as citizens we need to reflect in our homes and say what actually happened; so if a man wins an election on his own, without the pillars of leadership around him, that person has the potential of destroying the country as well, because he will go as he ruled his opposition party, that’s how he will govern. People don’t just change because they are now in power so it is important for us and if he doesn’t change, it’s up to us as Zimbabweans to say to ourselves whether they want to continue with the election charade from 2000 to 2002 to 2005 to 2008 to 2013, to 2018, to 2023 and now to 2028, aaah, as things are at the moment, I don’t have any hope as things are at the moment, unless something dramatic happens and people come together and say you know what let’s do. What is good for our country let’s not be part and let’s fix things so thank you very much, Uncle Ged.

…………..

At the forefront, we have people like host (sic) people like to buy and others, but up to now I don’t think they are sufficiently equipped even if they form another party and remain the way they were the new PARTY will face the same problems. The new party will be rigged in 2028. It will just be a waste of time and people like myself will not even participate because as I’ve predicted in 2023, got in South and all sorts of stuff as I have done everything that I’ve predicted to the teeth happened, but people because Zimbabweans we are not honest we don’t want to accept that we were wrong here we could’ve done things differently here. I think the biggest problem that we face is the failure to accept the truth. In fact, this is the problem that we face how do we deal with this and we move forward we insult each other. We call each other names.

There are people that are on Twitter just to insult people day in day out and I don’t think it is healthy because you end up building a very strong group of people supporting something but not sufficient enough to make that something win anything in an electro contest and when push other people other way away you push a lot of talent away, there are a lot of people who have different talents across the diaspora that I speak to across Zimbabweans and they tell me that all you know Mate, I don’t want to have anything to do with this. I can’t be dealing with people that insult people call each other names, and things like that that is who we are we need to accept and I think the most important thing is to say let’s fix it at times. I’ve been guilty of that as well so I am not exception. I am no exception to that, so there was no leadership structure. There was no collective decision making there were no institutional processes, and if you Wanted TODAY to donate money to triple C, or to Nelson Chamisa, you wouldn’t know who to give that money to nobody knows, I have got a lot of people a lot of business people who want to give money and I had to phone Nelson Chamisa and tell him I’ve got so and so they have given me X amount of money who do I give that money to somebody sending money?

And we saw you guys before the elections all the money I had to tweet about it because I wanted accountability but on the other side when you give the money you don’t know what happens to the money and then you hear people complaining and those are some of the issues that we couldn’t say at the time, because we didn’t want to say things that we can make the opposition.

We were saying things that we can strengthen the opposition and so some of the examples that I want to believe that I could see were caused by failure to have structured leadership is that I got 10 ambulances and 10 fire engines in the UK. I called Nelson Chamisa when I was there and the mayor of the city. There was no structure to push those things that were given for free, I got a radiotherapy machine to treat cancer in California. I then approached President Nelson Chamisa as he was called then I gave him a paper on it. I wrote a paper on him and say this is how you can do it. Nothing came out of it. I got dialysis machines 14 from a ZIMBABWEAN in Birmingham who is in the NHS, nothing came out of it because there was no structured leadership and I said to him my brother we need to have somebody Who specialises in held issues and I even talk verbally about it to say that this is the problem that we face at the time that I talked to skilled labourer, I said we don’t want to speak to politician.

We want to speak to Nelson Chamisa’s advisory council, and there was no one there to handle that; it was embarrassing for me because it was something that we were talking about with Doctor, Alex Magaisa that we need these sort of advisory people around the President so that they can deal with these expert related issues which cannot be dealt with by the president of the political party and even now I have said enough, but I want to add this part to say that you know for Nelson Chamisa in the most popular politician in the country and a lot of his supporters all of the country always insult me.

Why do you talk about Nelson Chamisa it is because he is the main opposition. We cannot avoid talking about Nelson Chamisa or Emmerson Mnangagwa we talk about Nelson Chamisa every day because he is the main opposition leader in the country. We talk about Nelson Chamisa because he is the main greet in the opposition you will have to ask somebody to find out why they keep talking about the main ingredient in the country. So for Nelson Chamisa to remain relevant, he must accept and addressed the crisis and I am glad that some of the issues have been mentioned by people around him, but they need to be addressed. If he wants to remain relevant to win an election. You can be relevant but not win an election and it adds no value because the idea of running in election is to ruin it, not just to have big numbers of people Following you at big rallies, they don’t do anything if they do not transform into you taking stake, power interstate because that is what we are fighting for and I’m sure that that is what we remain fighting for because we want our lives as Zimbabweans to to be transformed, so if he doesn’t transform himself, if he doesn’t change, if he doesn’t accept his weaknesses, he will never defeat Zanu PF, because that is how it is. We might try to sugarcoat things, but he will never defeat Zanu PF because as a one man PARTY, he will never defeat Zanu PF as CCC was constructed you could tell and some of us were saying, and of course we were insulted at the time, and I hope at the 2023 hindsight people can understand because it is very easy to rig against a one-man party.

You just need to target that one-man party that one man and everything follows apart but if you have got a lot of heavyweight around you even if some are bought, you can’t bring that down if you decide to be bought as one person that will be the end of the party of 12 people 20 people at the top of the leadership you can’t buy 20 people and take advantage of their greediness and I think I have got two more points that I want to add Uncle Ged, the tent aspect, which I will call third, and a half is that in the unlikely event that Nelson had won I call it, unlikely because it was going to be possible to win that election because of the way it was structured FAZ.

But he needs to have an infrastructure that can protect the vote and win the way to state House if Nelson Chamisa had one and he had been inaugurated the possibility of destroying the country was there as well, because if you can’t respect the constitution as I have always said if you don’t believe in one, because you say infiltration and then you end up running from the party because of infiltration, it just shows how some of these things as citizens we need to reflect on them in our homes and say what actually happened so if a man wins an election without the pillars of leadership around him, that President has potential of destroying the country as well, because he will govern as he wrote his opposition party … so if he doesn’t change, it’s up to Zimbabweans to make up for themselves if they want to have a leadership from 2008, 2005 to 2018 to 2023 and now to 2028 as things are at the moment, I don’t have any hope as things are at the moment, unless something magically happens all people come together and say let’s do something that is good for our country; so thank you very much uncle Ged.

………………………..……………

-Hopewell Chin’ono refusal to be accountable

Hopewell Chin’ono refuses to account over the name of the company that he says gave him a £50,000 sportscar loan in 1996 which he says made him rich enabling him to purchase his first ever immovable property.

HC: Politics has been so toxic. It has been so toxic that brothers and sisters hate each other and yet they are fighting the same animal. You know, eeeh. And and and, I have shared my frustration with my relationship with Professor Brilliant with Zhangazha. I have said to Zhangazha, you know, Brilliant is errm, we belong to the same Institute, eeeh, Tutu fellowship, Africa leadership institute. We went to Oxford together at different times.

We need to relate. We are Zimbabweans we might differ on certain things you know, we should never, we should never fight each other to the point where we belittle each other where we insult each other we are brothers at the end of the day you know, it is just like back home in the rural areas we can, we can sit on the fire and disagree, to support different parties. But, we shouldn’t get to a point where we can’t engage with each other.

GB: Right. And also, I have received so many questions I am not realising now I have received so many questions.

HC: No, no, please please, these questions, I’m ready to answer them. We don’t do this every day.

GB: Let me, I want to acknowledge the people that I have added, I will come to you Gari. There’s a question here that says ask when he last spoke with Chamisa was it way before the leaked audios that is one question and then another one is saying.

Hopewell Chinono(HC): I want to address the issue of the audio, which Simba-Chikanza of ZimEye keeps bringing out. That is, that that.

GB: On top of that is there is the question of the safe houses as well, reported that you reported to Chiwenga, you know, if you can put that together.

Hopewell Chin’ono (HC) Yes, yes yes, that question that’s a ghost account of Simba-Chikanza asking you and I am happy to answer, it let me answer it. Aah, the first question is that Simba knows very well that those audios were doctored. Ah. They don’t represent a conversation that happened; but the most important thing is that I think I hope I will be able to look for it, but anyway, what Simba keeps posting that I exposed people it’s a lie. The what happened was that I was taken to have a conversation in 2018 which I publicly talked about. In that conversation there was the British ambassador, the EUAmbassador, a Congolese businessman called Kala Mpinga, vice president Chiwenga, and then we were taken to the president of the country, Emmerson Mnangagwa. It had nothing with all this bullshit that Simba posts about. Simba has gone to a point of asking me to account for a car that I drove 30 years ago, LAUGH LAUGH LAUGH, I assume that people have common sense you know. Eeh. And and and, and, so, in that regard I was never going to answer all this nonsense uncle Ged, but, you know if you ask me to account, eeh for a car that I pot, bought 30 years ago because you hate me so much, you don’t like me you know, you hate me so much. Eeh I have more money in my current account than all those figures that he talks about and that money I can account for it, so I think it’s very petty as Zimbabweans to really, you know, imagine if I get into an argument with Kuda Musasiwa over something else, and then I start asking him to account for a car that he bought 30 years ago.

I start asking him to account for a house. You know I’ve been asked to account for my house more than 1000 times ago, more than a thousand times I mean, not ago, eeh, the British embassy has had to issue a public statement that I am not a fugitive from justice but that is how petty Zimbabweans are. Erin, I will post it right away.

Just use freedom of information to get the information you need, we all know Hopewell lived in Slough and was involved in credit card fraud, he can only fool those who are gullible isu zvigogodera haana nyaya, he isn't what he says he is, put @ITV to the task

— Flight Lieutenant Tashinga Pswarayi MP (@TashingaPswara1) February 28, 2024

The British embassy has had to issue a statement to say “Hopewell Chinono is not a fugitive from justice in Britain,” but in a country that has no single working radiotherapy machine that has no clean drinking water that has no decent roads, that has no pensions for its pensioners, every day Simba-Chikanza tweets about the sports car that I drove and he lies about how I am a fugitive from justice and all that it’s a shame; it’s a shame because it shows the rest of the world; I want to tell you Uncle Ged, I want to tell you about how this is so shameful. I was invited for coffee, aah in PARKTOWN NORTH in Johannesburg by Geoff, who is the correspondent of the Canadian Globe, aaah in Johannesburg and he said to me, you know, aah, let’s have drinks, aah, Jeff York and he said to me this guy drink keeps writing about you. What’s going on? Is everything okay but this is how the rest of the world sees us, as a people. You know, you are chasing after a 52 year old guy and you asking him to account for how he bought a house for 60,000 in Chisipite. You’re chasing after a 52 year old guy and you’re asking him to account how he bought a Toyota Supra in 1996 and today is 2024. I have never worked for Govt. I don’t earn public funds. I have never stolen anything from the state but a whole supposedly website spends two years chasing after a guy asking him; what if I tell you that I have £3 million in my account today, that I have worked for that I can account for that has been paid into that account by British institutions like ITV news that I have worked for and you’re asking me about £50,000 when I have £3 million in my account; when I live in a 4 million eh, eh Rand house in Johannesburg; when I live in a US$600,000 house in Harare and the whole struggle is reduced to talking about how a man bought a car worth US$50,000 or pounds 30 years ago ; It just shows how petty we are. It shows how.

GB: But, eh, why don’t you engage him in that aspect in a conversation?

HC: no no no no I’m never going to do that uncle Ged.

GB: because we are now being caught in a crossfire no no I think what we need to do. I think

GB: what we need to do so we host both of you?

HC: no no no no I think what we need to do a sensible people is to focus on sensitive sensible issues. If we start degenerating into, into these stupid things, then there is no reason why foreigners have to respect us because if we can’t respect ourselves, why do we expect strangers to respect us?

GB: right, so on that issue your clarification when it comes to those issues that he has raised…?

HC: No there is no clarification. I just said, I just said things in passing. I don’t owe that guy anything, as I said to you, I am not a public figure. I have more money than he talks about. I have no obligation to tell anyone how I have earned that money I have never worked for Govt. I’ve worked my whole life for private media. You know who I have worked for. If you think that what I have I didn’t earn it to go to ITV news. Those are my employers. Those are the people that were paying me money if you think that I did not earn what I have got like I live in a nice house and I don’t deserve it go to ITV news. Those are my employers, they say it publicly that they employed me. Why should, I mean, your grandmother stays in the rural areas and she doesn’t even have a pension, she doesn’t even have medication, and you want to know how I bought a car 30 years ago, come here on Uncle GED, let’s move on.

GB: LAUGH LAUGH LAUGH. Others will be saying isn’t it that a crime does not expire, Apologies, but it is hard; but anyway there is also a question here

HC:I think there’s a guy called Tino. The Village Boy I had blocked him. I have unblocked him.

GB: I think he wanted to ask something no no no he was here. He has actually asked a question, so in the spirit of unblocking people which is quite good. Okay there is there is a question here it is being said it is being asked. Are you going to apologise to Nelson Chamisa privately or publicly and move onto build a greater Zimbabwe?

HC: I have no reason to apologise to my brother Nelson because everything I said was based on facts, and eeeh, what that person needs to do is to come and say to me what you said about Nelson or about CCC on this particular instance is wrong and here are the facts.

I have no reason to apologise to politicians. I never apologise to politicians. Nelson Chamisa and all the other politicians and I talk to all of them. Today today today, eeh, eeh, I went to have my haircut and and the person who told me where I could get my hair cut was Saviour Kasukuwere I am in Johannesburg at the moment. And, and and I talk to all of them and I don’t hide that.

I talk to Saviour Kasukuwere, I talk to Welshman , I talk to Nelson Chamisa, I talk to Nkosana Moyo. Nkosana Moyo has been to my home in Zimbabwe , has been to my home in Johannesburg. These are my brothers these are my sisters.

I was speaking to Tadini’s president, Valerio, she sent a message to say I owe her a response. I speak to everyone these are Zimbabweans. You know we should not intimidate each other by saying, don’t talk to so and so, don’t talk to so-and-so because our resolutions only come from all of us to put together. This idea, politicians lie to you.

They say don’t talk to someone so but they talk to so, so I know it so President Nelson Chamisa will never say to me. Don’t talk to so and so but because he is the guy who told me to talk to everybody. So why shouldn’t I talk to? If you come to South Africa you see President Raposa talking to Julius Malema you will see him talking to Hellen Ziller. You will see him talk to Steenhuisen. Why shouldn’t I not to talk to my brothers and sisters? I will talk to Tadini. I will talk to Makomborero. I will talk to Nelson. I will talk to even to ED. I will talk to him, I have no problem. You see, our lack. I think we need to introduce politics as a subject at high school, so that people understand what it involves. If you go to ENGLAND today, this animosity does not exist. Yeah you know and Zanu PF has allowed people to hate each other and do things but what you don’t know is that these people at night they do things together….

By A Correspondent

The Medicines Control Authority of Zimbabwe (MCAZ) has issued a recall for a batch of YAZ PLUS contraceptive tablets, following a manufacturing error that could potentially compromise their safety.

Richard Rukwata, the director-general of MCAZ, explained that the affected batch (WEW961J), produced by Bayer in South Africa, contained incorrect tablet arrangements. Normally, the pack includes 24 pink hormone tablets and 4 orange hormone-free tablets. However, some packs were found to contain 24 orange tablets and only 4 pink tablets.

“This recall is a precautionary measure to protect public health,” Rukwata emphasized. “Non-compliance with product quality specifications can lead to a loss of efficacy, and the affected contraceptive may not provide the intended protection.”

Rukwata urged all stakeholders, including consumers and healthcare providers, to take immediate action. “We urge all stakeholders to take immediate action,” he added.

Consumers who are using the contraceptive have been advised to carefully check the batch number on their packaging. “If you find batch WEW961J, stop using it immediately, return it to your pharmacist, and consult a healthcare professional for alternatives,” Rukwata recommended.

This recall highlights the importance of ensuring product quality in healthcare and the potential risks posed by manufacturing defects.

Tinashe Sambiri

Opposition leader Advocate Nelson Chamisa has criticized the state of Zimbabwe’s politics, describing the country as a “beautiful nation ruined by ugly politics.”

In a Facebook post on Sunday, Chamisa emphasized the urgent need to address the country’s political issues.

He expressed pride in Zimbabwe’s natural beauty, writing, “Our country is such a beautiful blessing from God. A beautiful country, beautiful weather, and beautiful people.

This is Chimanimani in the Eastern Highlands. Zimbabwe is so stunning and amazingly beautiful!”

However, Chamisa made it clear that the country’s political landscape needs immediate attention. “We must fix the ugly politics,” he stated, calling for change in the political system.

He concluded his message with a note of well wishes: “Sabbath blessings.”

Corruption Scandal Rocks Bulawayo City Council, Shocking Revelations Surface

Bulawayo is at the center of a corruption storm, with allegations surfacing that city councillors have for years demanded bribes ranging from five to ten percent of contract values from land developers and contractors. The revelations come in the wake of a crackdown by the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (ZACC), which recently arrested Deputy Mayor Councillor Edwin Ndlovu and Finance Committee Chairperson Councillor Mpumelelo Moyo on charges of corruption.

The scandal has exposed a long-standing practice that contractors say has plagued the council for years. Several developers, speaking on condition of anonymity, claimed they were forced to navigate a culture of bribery to secure contracts.

Bribes Demanded in Contracts and Housing Stands

One contractor described the ordeal, stating:

“It’s been a desperate situation. Many of us felt we had no choice but to pay these bribes just to keep our companies afloat. For housing contracts, they demanded payment in the form of housing stands. If I developed an area with 500 stands, I had to set aside 50 stands for these councillors. Imagine the costs I incurred, only to hand over such a large portion of the project.”

Another contractor corroborated the claims, saying councillors demanded “facilitation fees” under the guise of expediting approvals or securing future deals.

Councillors’ Influence on Service Providers and Employment

The allegations extend beyond contractors. Service providers have also come forward, claiming they faced intimidation and pressure to pay kickbacks. One service provider shared:

“They kept calling, demanding 10 percent of what I had charged the local authority, claiming they were behind the approval of my service. Fortunately, I knew the processes and ignored them, but their persistence was relentless.”

Additionally, a senior council employee revealed that councillors had infiltrated the hiring process for critical staff positions, demanding bribes from applicants in exchange for influence over appointments.

Hope for Transparency After ZACC Intervention

The arrest of two senior councillors has sparked hope among contractors and stakeholders for a cleaner, more transparent system.

“This is a step in the right direction,” said one contractor. “We’ve been calling for accountability for too long, and now it seems like the authorities are finally listening.”

Others are urging ZACC to broaden its investigation, claiming the corruption is systemic and spans multiple terms of office.

“It’s not just this current group of councillors. This has been going on for years,” said another contractor.

A Turning Point for Bulawayo?

The scandal has placed the Bulawayo City Council under intense scrutiny, with calls for an overhaul of its operations and practices. As ZACC continues its investigation, the public is watching closely, hoping this marks the beginning of the end for deeply entrenched corruption in one of Zimbabwe’s largest cities.

Stay tuned for further updates as the story develops.– State Media

In a shocking revelation, murder suspect Jaison Muvevi has disclosed that he maintained three separate families—none of whom knew about each other—before the series of events that led to his arrest.

Muvevi, a gold miner by profession, said he had a wife and three children in Zvishavane, a second wife and two children in Kadoma, and a third wife with two children in Harare. According to him, he fulfilled all customary marriage obligations, including paying lobola (bride price), and successfully juggled his responsibilities without raising suspicion.

“I fulfilled my lobola obligations for all of them and played my role as a father. None of them knew or suspected that there were other wives; I had my ways of balancing my three lives without challenges,” Muvevi said during the interview with the Sunday Mail at the local maximum prison.

The nature of his work as a gold miner allowed him to frequently travel for weeks or even months, which he used to his advantage. At any given time, two of his wives would assume he was away working, while he was spending time with the third.

Life Behind Bars

Muvevi stated that his wives and brothers continue to visit him in prison, offering him a semblance of family connection. Reflecting on his actions, he speculated that his crimes might have unleashed a family curse but remained optimistic about the future.

“I live with the hope that one day I will be released and be able to work for my wives and kids again. I also wish to compensate the families that I wronged,” he added.

Despite the gravity of the charges against him, Muvevi maintained a jovial demeanor during the interview, even cracking jokes. He expressed regret for his actions and seemed keen to make amends, though the legal process is far from over.

The Rampage That Shook Zimbabwe

Muvevi’s arrest followed a series of violent incidents that shocked the nation. Details of the crimes remain under investigation, but the revelations about his secret families add a new layer of complexity to his case. The public remains divided between outrage and intrigue as the story unfolds.

Authorities are expected to conduct further investigations into Muvevi’s claims about his personal life and how his actions impacted his families. Meanwhile, his statement raises pressing questions about deception, trust, and the ripple effects of hidden lives.

Stay tuned as more details emerge.

By A Correspondent.

VIDEO BELOW

In a statement released on Friday, the Office of the President and Cabinet congratulated Dr. Auxillia Mnangagwa, the First Lady of Zimbabwe, for earning a Doctor of Philosophy in Tourism and Hospitality Management from Midlands State University. The announcement has sparked both praise and controversy, as questions have been raised about the legitimacy of her academic achievement.

“The Office of the President and Cabinet congratulates Dr. Auxillia Mnangagwa for attaining a Doctor of Philosophy in Tourism and Hospitality Management from Midlands State University,” the statement read.

However, Mrs. Mnangagwa’s doctorate has come under scrutiny, with some critics questioning the process and credibility surrounding her degree.

By A Correspondent

An 11-year-old dancer from Zvimba, Dean Chirume, is capturing hearts in Mashonaland West with her impressive choreography and infectious enthusiasm. A Grade Five student at Mareverwa Primary School, Chirume has quickly become a local sensation, known for her energetic and well-executed dance routines.

Despite her rising fame, Dean remains humble and approachable, always flashing a warm smile when fans and reporters approach her.

In an exclusive interview with The Herald at her school, Dean opened up about her dance journey, revealing that her passion for movement began at a very young age.

“I started dancing when I was just three years old. At that time, I didn’t really understand what I was doing—I just loved moving to any sound I heard,” she shared. “It wasn’t about following a rhythm or tune at first; I just felt the urge to dance.”

Dean’s dancing style is heavily influenced by South African music sensation Makhadzi, whom she describes as her biggest inspiration. “I really love Makhadzi. She’s an amazing dancer, and her energy is incredible. When she dances, she makes it clear that she is proud of being African, and that’s something I admire. One day, I want to dance just like her,” Dean said with excitement, her face lighting up as she spoke about her role model.

Beyond her dancing skills, Dean has also shown remarkable public speaking abilities. “I enjoy speaking in front of people, and if I keep working on it, I believe I could become one of Africa’s greatest public speakers,” she said with confidence.

Dean credits much of her progress to the support she receives from her teachers. “My teachers have been so encouraging. They remind me that dancing is not hard if you listen carefully and follow the steps. It’s really fun, especially when I’m with my team. We help each other, and when someone forgets a move, we all work together to fix it,” she said.

With her contagious enthusiasm and impressive talent, Dean Chirume is not just a rising star in her community, but also a young performer with big dreams on the horizon. “I know that one day, I’ll be able to dance on the same stage as Makhadzi. That’s my goal!” she declared, her determination shining through.

South Africa – Two Zimbabwean nationals have been killed by a mob in Laudium, Pretoria, accusing them of attempted robbery.

Armed with stones and logs, enraged residents unleashed their fury, claiming the two men were part of gangs terrorizing the community.

Despite the grave situation, the South African Police Service (SAPS) and paramedics delayed their response, arriving hours later when the victims had already succumbed to their injuries.

Such incidents of vigilantism and xenophobic violence are alarmingly common in South Africa’s informal settlements and high-density suburbs, where foreign nationals are scapegoated for rampant crime and unemployment.

These accusations often lack substantial evidence but thrive on a toxic narrative perpetuated by politicians who exploit such sentiments to gain political mileage, further stoking hostility against immigrants.

South Africa is notorious for violence, with daily killings surpassing rates in some war-torn regions, and remains one of the most dangerous countries in the world.

Many South Africans have forgotten the solidarity extended to them by neighbouring countries, like during the apartheid era.

Nations across the region provided refuge and support to South Africa’s liberation fighters, yet today, immigrants from those same countries face relentless hostility and death.

While locals vent their frustrations on African migrants, accusing them of crimes and job theft, they remain silent about the dominance of the white minority, which still controls an estimated 95% of the economy decades after apartheid ended.

This enduring economic monopoly perpetuates systemic inequalities, leaving the majority black population in poverty while shielding white wealth and privilege.

Fear of challenging entrenched white economic power stands in contrast to the brutality meted out to fellow Africans seeking refuge.

These migrants, fleeing economic and political crises in their home countries, become easy targets for a frustrated populace unwilling or unable to confront the deeper roots of inequality and injustice.

Until Mzansi confronts its economic disparities and dismantles the structural racism that underpins them, the cycle of violence, scapegoating, and misplaced rage will continue unabated.

By A Correspondent

Controversial Zanu PF official Killer Zivhu has slammed the Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority (ZESA), calling it a “huge disgrace” for its failure to address the country’s ongoing power crisis.

The former Chivi South MP, speaking on Thursday, criticized ZESA for its lack of accountability and poor service delivery.

“ZESA, stop the false promises! Load shedding is getting worse.

We need honest timelines, not daily lies. Tell us the truth – will it take 5+ years to fix the problem? This generation won’t fall for empty words.

Give us realistic expectations, not ‘Hwange this, Hwange that.’ We’ve had enough!” Zivhu fumed.

He also took to social media to express his frustration, directing a pointed question to ZESA: “What’s going on? Power outages feel like demonstrations!

Are your technicians normal, or are they competing with Mozambicans in protests? Provide reliable electricity, not frustration!”

Zivhu’s comments highlight the growing frustration among Zimbabweans over the worsening power crisis and ZESA’s failure to offer viable solutions.

Minister Attributes Delays in Suicide Body Removals to Police Resource Constraints

Zimbabwe’s Minister of State for National Security, Lovemore Matuke, has attributed police delays in removing bodies of individuals who commit suicide by hanging to resource constraints, including a lack of vehicles at police stations. This was revealed during a Senate session where Senator Molly Ndlovu raised concerns about the increasing number of men committing suicide in Bulawayo and the cultural and legal practices surrounding the trees used in such incidents.

Senate Concerns on Suicide Response Times

During the session, Senator Molly Ndlovu posed a critical question:

“My question is directed to the Minister of Home Affairs, and in his absence, to the Leader of the House. We have noticed that many young men are committing suicide by hanging. How long should it take the police to come and remove the body from the tree? Also, should that tree be removed culturally, or should it remain? What does the law say about this?”

The rising number of suicides, particularly among men, has raised alarm in communities and sparked debate over police response times and cultural practices.

Minister Matuke’s Response

Minister Matuke acknowledged the delays but emphasized that they were not intentional:

“On the delays by police to attend to the scene and remove the body of someone who has committed suicide, there is no specified time limit. If resources at the police station are adequate, they can respond quickly and should, in fact, do so.”

He explained that limited resources, such as a lack of vehicles, are a significant factor:

“Some challenges include a lack of vehicles to reach the scene promptly, as well as the distance to the site of the suicide. At times, the only vehicle at the station may already be deployed elsewhere, and officers must wait for it to return before responding.”

Cultural and Legal Implications of Suicide Sites

In response to questions about whether trees used in suicides should be removed, Matuke clarified that there is no legal obligation to do so:

“If a person has an accident near a bridge or river, should we then remove that section of the road? It is not proper. We do not have laws that mandate the removal of such trees.”

However, he acknowledged that cultural practices vary:

“In certain communities or under certain cultural practices, there may be a belief that the tree should be cut down and burned. If we were to follow this practice universally, we would soon run out of trees.”

Relevant Case Law and Precedents

Legal experts point to S v. Sembura (2012) ZLR 10, which highlights the state’s duty to preserve human dignity even in post-mortem scenarios. While this case dealt with the treatment of deceased bodies, it reinforces the responsibility of authorities to act promptly and with respect when handling the deceased, which could extend to timely removal in suicide cases.

Additionally, the Zimbabwean Constitution (Section 48) guarantees the right to life and imposes obligations on the state to address circumstances leading to preventable deaths, including resource allocation for law enforcement.

Public Reaction and Calls for Action

The Minister’s explanation has sparked mixed reactions. Some citizens sympathize with the logistical challenges facing the police, while others argue that resource constraints should not compromise the dignity of deceased individuals or the emotional well-being of grieving families.

“I understand the challenges, but waiting hours or even days to remove a loved one from a tree is deeply traumatic for families. The government must do better,” said a Bulawayo resident.

Community leaders are calling for increased funding for police stations to ensure they are equipped to respond promptly to such incidents. Cultural practitioners have also called for a more nuanced approach to managing trees involved in suicides, balancing respect for tradition with legal clarity.

The Senate discussion highlights the urgent need to address the logistical and cultural challenges surrounding suicide cases in Zimbabwe. While Minister Matuke’s comments shed light on the resource limitations, they also underline the broader systemic issues facing law enforcement in the country. As the nation grapples with rising suicide rates, a multifaceted approach that includes mental health support, police resources, and cultural sensitivity will be crucial in addressing this growing crisis.

By A Correspondent

In a politically charged development in Victoria Falls, Tonderai Mutasa, a ZANU PF candidate, was sworn in as the new Ward One Councillor this Thursday following a High Court ruling that disqualified Ephias Mambume from contesting the seat. The ruling, which cited Mambume’s outstanding water and rates payments to the local council, effectively cleared the path for Mutasa’s entry into the council. But behind this seemingly technical disqualification lies a deeper, more troubling political maneuver that raises serious questions about the fairness and transparency of Zimbabwe’s electoral process.

The disqualification was based on Section 119 of the Electoral Act, which prohibits individuals from contesting if they owe a local authority more than four months of unpaid rates. However, the circumstances surrounding the recall and the subsequent disqualification suggest that the entire process was not only politically motivated but designed to further entrench ZANU PF’s dominance in both urban and rural councils across the country.

The Unconstitutional Recalls: A ZANU PF Tactic?

The recall of Mambume, a former Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) councillor, is part of a broader pattern in which opposition figures have faced systematic removals from local councils. The recalls have been widely condemned as unconstitutional, with critics arguing that they have been used as a tool to undermine opposition parties and skew the political landscape in favor of ZANU PF.

Mambume’s disqualification, and Mutasa’s subsequent swearing-in, reflects a larger strategy by ZANU PF to gain control of local governance structures. Notably, the political party now controls two out of the 14 seats in Victoria Falls, including one through proportional representation, despite the city’s population being largely sympathetic to opposition parties. This move is seen as part of a coordinated effort to increase ZANU PF’s influence in key urban and rural councils, both of which are traditionally strongholds for opposition parties.

By disqualifying opposition candidates under technicalities, such as unpaid rates or other minor infractions, the ruling party is able to strategically replace them with its own loyalists. This tactic circumvents the need for a fair electoral contest, ensuring that ZANU PF secures more seats without the need for actual votes. These backdoor moves are particularly concerning given the broader political context in Zimbabwe, where concerns over electoral integrity, transparency, and fairness have been a constant feature of the political discourse.

Political Manipulation of Electoral Laws

The legality of the recalls and disqualifications has been a point of contention. Many legal experts and political analysts have described these actions as unconstitutional, arguing that they violate the principles of democratic participation and fairness. Section 119 of the Electoral Act, which was cited in the disqualification of Mambume, has been criticized for being overly punitive and potentially being used to target political opponents unfairly.

The recurring trend of recalling opposition councillors and replacing them with ZANU PF candidates creates a chilling effect on the democratic process. It sends a message that once in power, the ruling party can manipulate the system to ensure its continued dominance. The fact that the disqualification in this case was based on an outstanding council debt, rather than any direct electoral misconduct, further raises questions about the motivations behind the decision.

ZANU PF’s Strategic Control of Urban and Rural Councils

Victoria Falls, like many urban centers in Zimbabwe, has traditionally leaned toward opposition parties, particularly the CCC. The move to install Mutasa as councillor not only shifts the balance in favor of ZANU PF in this particular council but is also indicative of a broader strategy to secure control over both urban and rural councils. By targeting opposition councillors with recalls, ZANU PF can gradually erode the power base of opposition parties, especially in areas where the opposition enjoys significant grassroots support.

Moreover, this approach also has implications for the upcoming national elections. Control over local councils is often seen as a precursor to broader political influence. With ZANU PF gaining ground in councils across the country, its ability to control local governance structures could give it a significant advantage in the national political arena, particularly in terms of resource allocation, campaign mobilization, and political patronage.

Conclusion: A Dark Chapter in Zimbabwe’s Electoral History

The swearing-in of Tonderai Mutasa as Victoria Falls’ Ward One Councillor is a troubling reminder of the extent to which ZANU PF is willing to go to secure its hold on power. The disqualification of Ephias Mambume, while legally justified under the Electoral Act, raises serious doubts about the integrity of the recall process and its potential for political abuse.

By using technicalities like unpaid rates to disqualify opposition candidates, ZANU PF has effectively turned local councils into a political battleground where the outcome is preordained through strategic manipulation rather than through free and fair elections. This latest move in Victoria Falls is part of a broader pattern that is increasingly being viewed as unconstitutional, and one that risks further undermining democratic norms in Zimbabwe.

Community Rallies for Burial Funds After Tragic Stabbing of Saymore Kwashira in Leeds

By A Correspondent | ZimEye | The Zimbabwean community in the UK and beyond is mourning the untimely and tragic death of Saymore T. Kwashira, a 23-year-old man who was fatally stabbed in Leeds during the early hours of Tuesday morning. Despite the best efforts of medical professionals, Saymore succumbed to his injuries in the hospital.

Saymore was described by loved ones as a loving son, devoted brother, and cherished friend. His family and friends are now appealing for financial support through a GoFundMe campaign to cover the costs of his funeral and burial arrangements.

A Tragic Loss

The incident occurred at 00:29 AM, leaving the Zimbabwean community in shock and grief. Saymore’s untimely death is a devastating blow to his family, who are now grappling with both emotional and financial burdens.

The GoFundMe campaign, organized by his family, aims to raise the necessary funds to give Saymore a dignified burial. The family expressed their gratitude for the outpouring of support and appealed to the public for further assistance.

“Saymore was a son, brother, and friend. His friends and family are kindly asking for support with the funeral costs for his burial. Any contribution, no matter how small, will be greatly appreciated during this difficult time,” the family shared in their campaign message.

A Call for Help

The campaign highlights the collective pain of a family and community in mourning. Contributions from friends, well-wishers, and the public will go towards ensuring Saymore receives a respectful farewell.

The family has also expressed deep gratitude to those who have already reached out with messages of condolences and support.

How You Can Help

If you would like to contribute to Saymore Kwashira’s funeral fund, please visit the GoFundMe campaign [insert link to the campaign if available]. No amount is too small, and every gesture of kindness will help ease the family’s burden during this incredibly challenging time.

The Zimbabwean community, both in the UK and around the world, stands united in grief and solidarity as it seeks to honor the life of a young man whose life was tragically cut short.

Lager Shortage Hits Bulawayo, Sparking Consumer Concern Ahead of Festive Season

Bulawayo has been struck by an unusual shortage of Zambezi Lager, one of Zimbabwe’s most popular beers, sending shockwaves through the city’s supermarkets, bars, and drinking spots. The scarcity has left imbibers scrambling for alternatives, raising fears about beverage supplies ahead of the festive season.

Delta Corporation Limited, Zimbabwe’s largest producer of alcoholic beverages, has moved quickly to reassure customers, stating that the shortage is temporary and that sufficient production capacity is in place to meet the heightened holiday demand.

Consumers Face Empty Fridges

A snap survey of Bulawayo’s major supermarkets revealed that the green-bottled Zambezi Lager was nowhere to be found in refrigerators. Instead, shelves were stocked with imported beers and other local brands such as Pilsner and Black Label cans.

A manager at a large supermarket in the city center expressed frustration over the supply issue:

“We have not been getting supplies from Delta, who seem to have nothing in stock, and this has been for a while now. Some customers have even accused us of hoarding the product in anticipation of a price increase, which naturally is not true,” said the manager, who spoke on condition of anonymity.

The situation has been similar in sports bars across the city, with bartenders reporting a significant drop in supply. One bartender along George Silundika Street confirmed that they have only been able to stock Zambezi Lager cans, albeit in small quantities:

“Most of our customers do not like cans but had to take them as they have no choice,” she said.

A bartender in Entumbane suburb echoed these concerns, adding that the shortage of Zambezi quarts has been particularly frustrating for their patrons.

Imbibers Left Disappointed

For many loyal drinkers, the shortage has disrupted their routines. Vusumuzi Mangena, a self-proclaimed Zambezi Lager addict, described a “miserable” weekend after failing to find his favorite beer:

“I describe myself as a Zambezi addict and a loyal patron, so it wasn’t a great experience when I couldn’t find it at my usual place of enjoyment. We now fear that our festive season may not be so festive this time.”

Other drinkers shared similar stories, with some reluctantly turning to alternative brands that didn’t quite match their tastes.

Delta Corporation Responds

Delta Corporation has assured consumers that the shortage is not indicative of a broader supply issue. The company stated that it is ramping up production to meet the anticipated surge in demand during the festive season.

In a statement, Delta said:

“We would like to reassure our valued customers that we have sufficient capacity to meet demand during the holiday period. The recent shortage of Zambezi Lager in Bulawayo was a temporary supply chain issue, and we are addressing it to ensure a smooth flow of products.”

The company has not disclosed the exact cause of the shortage, but industry insiders speculate logistical challenges or a temporary production slowdown may be to blame.

Concerns About Festive Season Supplies

While Delta’s reassurances offer some comfort, many Bulawayo residents remain skeptical. With Christmas and New Year celebrations around the corner, the demand for beer is expected to soar, and any disruptions in supply could spell disappointment for revelers.

For now, Zambezi Lager fans in Bulawayo are holding their breath, hoping that their favorite lager will return to shelves and bars before the festive cheer begins in earnest.

By A Correspondent

Zimbabwe’s ambassador to Mozambique, Victor Matemadanda, has dismissed recent protests in the country as futile, claiming that those protesting are simply “bitter” and wasting their time.

He asserted that Frelimo’s candidate, Daniel Champ, rightfully won the presidential election.

In a recent statement, Ambassador Matemadanda said that no Zimbabwean nationals participated in the election, refuting claims that Zimbabweans had voted. “No Zimbabwean voted in that election,” he stated categorically.

Despite Matemadanda’s position, reports suggest that some Zimbabweans, particularly those aligned with Zimbabwe’s ruling party ZANU PF, did indeed cast ballots in the Mozambican election.

These votes were reportedly aimed at ensuring Frelimo, a fellow liberation movement, emerged victorious.

The controversy surrounding the election has sparked further calls for transparency.

Opposition leader Venâncio Mondlane has demanded that the Mozambican authorities review the postal votes from Zimbabwe.

Mondlane has formally lodged an appeal with the Mozambican Constitutional Council, requesting that the votes from the Zimbabwean constituency be nullified.

According to Mondlane, 296,519 Zimbabweans “without active electoral capacity” allegedly cast their votes in favor of Frelimo, which he claims was illegal.

Mondlane’s lawyer, Judite Simão, outlined the appeal, stressing that these votes should be deemed invalid. “We are asking for the nullity of the presidential election of October 9 in the constituency of Zimbabweans,” said Simão in a statement.

She pointed to a report by the Southern Africa Human Rights Lawyers High Commission Mozambique, which asserts that these 296,519 votes were cast illegally.

Simão’s appeal includes supporting evidence, such as photos of voter registration cards, and calls for a thorough investigation into whether these voters had dual nationality.

“If there is a will and interest in examining the matter, steps can be taken with the Ministry of the Interior to ascertain whether or not the 296,519 voters are Mozambicans with dual nationality,” the appeal states.

By A Correspondent

As the political tides shift across Southern Africa, Zimbabwe’s ruling party, ZANU PF, is actively seeking to maintain influence in the region by supporting its revolutionary counterparts.

In a move that underscores the solidarity among liberation movements, a ZANU PF delegation, led by Secretary for War Veterans League Douglas Mahiya and Deputy Secretary for Commissariat Webster Shamu, arrived in Namibia on Thursday to campaign for the ruling South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO).

The visit comes ahead of Namibia’s upcoming elections on November 27, where SWAPO is seeking to secure another term in office.

In a statement issued by ZANU PF, the delegation’s mission is described as one of solidarity with SWAPO, which, like ZANU PF, emerged from the liberation struggle against colonial and apartheid-era powers.

“They joined other revolutionary sister parties in solidarity with SWAPO ahead of the scheduled November 27 elections,” the statement reads.

The delegation’s activities included a visit to Namibia’s Heroes Acre and National Museum, landmarks that hold historical significance for the country’s liberation struggle.

The move comes at a time when the political landscape in Southern Africa is shifting.

Revolutionary parties like ZANU PF and SWAPO, which once commanded overwhelming popular support, are now facing growing challenges to their dominance.

These parties, often described as “revolutionary sister parties,” are increasingly desperate to cling to power amid rising waves of political change, as younger generations demand greater accountability and reforms.

In Zimbabwe, ZANU PF has faced mounting pressure from both domestic critics and international observers who accuse the party of stifling democracy and mismanaging the country’s economy.

Despite these challenges, both parties continue to lean on their shared revolutionary past, emphasizing their role in the fight against colonialism and apartheid as a cornerstone of their legitimacy.

The delegation’s visit to Namibia, which included an “interactive moment” with SWAPO officials, highlights the enduring connection between these liberation movements.

ZANU PF’s statement further notes that the visit was an opportunity to strengthen ties and support the Namibian party’s electoral efforts.

A Zanu PF source said:
“We are here to show our unwavering support for SWAPO as they prepare for the upcoming elections.

Our shared history and struggle bind us, and it is crucial that we continue to support each other in this challenging time.”

This campaign, though symbolically significant, also reflects the broader geopolitical dynamics at play in Southern Africa.

As these revolutionary parties face increasing pressure to adapt to a changing political environment, their efforts to maintain control, both at home and within the region, will continue to shape the future of the Southern African political landscape.

For now, ZANU PF’s support for SWAPO is a reminder that, even as revolutionary movements confront rising opposition, their alliances remain an important factor in their strategies to stay in power.

By A Correspondent

In a politically charged development in Victoria Falls, Tonderai Mutasa, a ZANU PF candidate, was sworn in as the new Ward One Councillor this Thursday following a High Court ruling that disqualified Ephias Mambume from contesting the seat. The ruling, which cited Mambume’s outstanding water and rates payments to the local council, effectively cleared the path for Mutasa’s entry into the council. But behind this seemingly technical disqualification lies a deeper, more troubling political maneuver that raises serious questions about the fairness and transparency of Zimbabwe’s electoral process.

The disqualification was based on Section 119 of the Electoral Act, which prohibits individuals from contesting if they owe a local authority more than four months of unpaid rates. However, the circumstances surrounding the recall and the subsequent disqualification suggest that the entire process was not only politically motivated but designed to further entrench ZANU PF’s dominance in both urban and rural councils across the country.

The Unconstitutional Recalls: A ZANU PF Tactic?

The recall of Mambume, a former Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) councillor, is part of a broader pattern in which opposition figures have faced systematic removals from local councils. The recalls have been widely condemned as unconstitutional, with critics arguing that they have been used as a tool to undermine opposition parties and skew the political landscape in favor of ZANU PF.

Mambume’s disqualification, and Mutasa’s subsequent swearing-in, reflects a larger strategy by ZANU PF to gain control of local governance structures. Notably, the political party now controls two out of the 14 seats in Victoria Falls, including one through proportional representation, despite the city’s population being largely sympathetic to opposition parties. This move is seen as part of a coordinated effort to increase ZANU PF’s influence in key urban and rural councils, both of which are traditionally strongholds for opposition parties.

By disqualifying opposition candidates under technicalities, such as unpaid rates or other minor infractions, the ruling party is able to strategically replace them with its own loyalists. This tactic circumvents the need for a fair electoral contest, ensuring that ZANU PF secures more seats without the need for actual votes. These backdoor moves are particularly concerning given the broader political context in Zimbabwe, where concerns over electoral integrity, transparency, and fairness have been a constant feature of the political discourse.

Political Manipulation of Electoral Laws

The legality of the recalls and disqualifications has been a point of contention. Many legal experts and political analysts have described these actions as unconstitutional, arguing that they violate the principles of democratic participation and fairness. Section 119 of the Electoral Act, which was cited in the disqualification of Mambume, has been criticized for being overly punitive and potentially being used to target political opponents unfairly.

The recurring trend of recalling opposition councillors and replacing them with ZANU PF candidates creates a chilling effect on the democratic process. It sends a message that once in power, the ruling party can manipulate the system to ensure its continued dominance. The fact that the disqualification in this case was based on an outstanding council debt, rather than any direct electoral misconduct, further raises questions about the motivations behind the decision.

ZANU PF’s Strategic Control of Urban and Rural Councils

Victoria Falls, like many urban centers in Zimbabwe, has traditionally leaned toward opposition parties, particularly the CCC. The move to install Mutasa as councillor not only shifts the balance in favor of ZANU PF in this particular council but is also indicative of a broader strategy to secure control over both urban and rural councils. By targeting opposition councillors with recalls, ZANU PF can gradually erode the power base of opposition parties, especially in areas where the opposition enjoys significant grassroots support.

Moreover, this approach also has implications for the upcoming national elections. Control over local councils is often seen as a precursor to broader political influence. With ZANU PF gaining ground in councils across the country, its ability to control local governance structures could give it a significant advantage in the national political arena, particularly in terms of resource allocation, campaign mobilization, and political patronage.

Conclusion: A Dark Chapter in Zimbabwe’s Electoral History

The swearing-in of Tonderai Mutasa as Victoria Falls’ Ward One Councillor is a troubling reminder of the extent to which ZANU PF is willing to go to secure its hold on power. The disqualification of Ephias Mambume, while legally justified under the Electoral Act, raises serious doubts about the integrity of the recall process and its potential for political abuse.

By using technicalities like unpaid rates to disqualify opposition candidates, ZANU PF has effectively turned local councils into a political battleground where the outcome is preordained through strategic manipulation rather than through free and fair elections. This latest move in Victoria Falls is part of a broader pattern that is increasingly being viewed as unconstitutional, and one that risks further undermining democratic norms in Zimbabwe.

By A Correspondent | Jameson Timba, widely regarded as the assumed caretaker leader of Nelson Chamisa’s Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) party during Chamisa’s sabbatical, has been convicted alongside over 40 activists for participating in an illegal assembly. The arrests stem from an incident on June 16, which has since sparked significant political and legal debate.

The activists, including Timba, were accused of organizing and participating in an unsanctioned gathering. While the nature of the assembly remains contested—some describe it as a peaceful protest advocating for civil rights, while authorities claim it violated public order laws—the court found sufficient grounds to convict.

Amid the convictions, some individuals were acquitted, though the court has not yet disclosed the specific reasoning behind these decisions. The mixed outcome has led to questions about the consistency of evidence and the impartiality of the judicial process.

Timba’s conviction is particularly noteworthy given his prominent role as the assumed caretaker leader of the CCC during Chamisa’s sabbatical. The conviction could have far-reaching implications for the party’s leadership and its position as a key opposition force.

In a statement, the CCC strongly condemned the convictions, describing them as politically motivated.

The sentencing phase, which remains pending, is expected to draw intense scrutiny from both local and international observers. Legal experts have raised concerns about the fairness of the trial and its implications for freedom of assembly and political dissent in the country.

As the political landscape faces further upheaval, the CCC must navigate this critical moment, balancing its leadership dynamics and its ongoing fight for democratic rights. The upcoming sentencing is likely to fuel further debates about the state of justice and political freedoms.-ZimEye