The former President Robert Mugabe was yesterday buried at his rural home in Kutama, Zvimba, Mashonaland West Province yesterday.

He was laid to rest at a “specially constructed site” in the courtyard of his first wife, Sally’s house.

The man who removed him from power Emmerson Mnangagwa did not attend the burial.

The burial was conducted in accordance to Roman Catholic rites, which were presided by Father Paul Tigere of Marymount Parish. Family members and a handful of villagers related to the Mugabes attended the event, where Mashonaland West Minister of State for Provincial Affairs Mrs Mary Mliswa-Chikoka was the only notable Government figure.

Robert Mugabe died of advanced prostate cancer in Singapore on September 6.

He was 95.

A family spokesperson, Mr Walter Chidhakwa thanked Emmerson Mnangagwa and his Government, during his illness.

“We want to thank President Mnangagwa and Government. The journey that we have travelled with the late Cde Mugabe has not been easy. It was full of pain. Amai (Mugabe) used to say she wants to take baba for medical check-ups in Singapore and we would approach President Mnangagwa. In no time he would assist us with travel arrangements before we return. But in the last visit, baba did not return as his condition deteriorated, leading to his death. President Mnangagwa sent a plane together with Vice-President (Kembo Mohadi) and he received us at the airport.”

Added Mr Chidhakwa: “The President then assisted us with transport, food and other logistics before conferring baba a national hero. We thank President Mnangagwa because since the death of baba, he said he will let the family decide on the funeral and burial arrangements. But it is not the family that decided, VaMugabe is the one who said he wanted to be buried here at his home. We simply followed his wish and we are happy President Mnangagwa has also granted him that wish.”

The burial was also attended by former war veterans’ leader Jabulani Sibanda and National Constitution Assembly leader Professor Lovemore Madhuku. – state media

VIDEO LOADING BELOW. ..

By Own Correspondent| Amalgamated Rural Teachers’ Union of Zimbabwe (ARTUZ) is planning protests countrywide to push the government to improve teachers’ salaries.

ARTUZ president, Obert Masaraure, revealed that his union is mulling staging decentralised street protests. He said:

We are preparing for decentralised street protests which will be held in all provinces.

Our salaries are not taking us anywhere. The payday is now a non-event. We are now living like paupers and cannot afford basic needs and we have completely lost our dignity.

Teachers and other civil servants were last month awarded between 60 to 70 per cent pay rise which has since been eroded by surging inflation which is now at 300% according to the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

-Newsday

Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU PF)

27 September 2019

PRESS RELEASE THE BURIAL OF FORMER PRESIDENT R.G. MUGABE

The revelation that former President R. G Mugabe who passed on in Singapore on 6 September 2019 will have a private burial at his rural home in Zvimba is most unfortunate.

This comes after intensive negotiations between the Government led by H.E Cde E.D Mnangagwa and the Mugabe family including Chiefs from Zvimba and all concerned whereupon it was agreed that his remains be interred at the National Heroes Acre.

The state was building a special mausoleum at the site which was approved by his family.

All will remember that the Zanu Pf politburo declared the former President a National Hero soon after his death. With the construction of the mausoleum progressing within the defined timeframe, all patriotic Zimbabweans were shocked to learn that the remains of the former President had been surreptitiously taken yesterday to Zvimba for a private burial on Saturday 28 September 2019.

We indeed respect the wishes of families of deceased heroes, hence get saddened when manoeuvres that border on political gimmicks begin to unfold on an issue concerning an illustrious liberation icon.

The former late President was the founding father of this Nation and ( trivializing his remains by scandalously throwing it from pillar to post particularly after an amicable agreement had been reached with the family that his remains will be interred at the National Shrine is belittling the late revolutionary icon.

President ED Mnangagwa has shown his usual exemplary and exceptional leadership qualities by doing everything possible to accord the former late President a decent farewell.

There is nothing more a humane President could have done. He invited Presidents, former Presidents in the region and beyond to come to bid farewell to their late colleague at a decent funeral ceremony conducted at the National Sports Stadium. They came in their numbers.

It must be remembered that ordinary Zimbabweans who adored him so much had the opportunity to bid their late gallant leader at Rufaro Stadium with aplomb. Scenes of emotions from the diversity of our great nation shall forever remain embedded in the national memory.

The revolutionary ZANU PI, Party will eternally remain grateful to the late iconic leader.

The revolutionary ZANU PF Party can only say to the late formes President, “Go well. Rest in Peace Gushungo.”

Ambassador S.K MOYO) Secretary for Information and Publicity & National Party Spokesperson

Paul Nyathi|A priest asked God to take pity on Robert Mugabe as the family of the longtime Zimbabwean leader buried him Saturday at his rural home.

“This man lives forever,” declared the priest, to cries of approval. Mugabe died this month in Singapore at age 95 after leading the country for nearly four decades and being pushed into a shocking resignation as thousands danced in the streets. “I was ridiculed,” a relative said Mugabe told them

Business Times|THE Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) has summoned companies whose accounts were frozen last Friday on suspicion of illegal forex trading for questioning next week as the authorities try to manage irregular foreign exchange movements, Business Times has established.

Last week the Zim dollar lost 80% of its value in less than three months despite several measures — such as increasing interest rates and monitoring the activities of bureaux de change — which were introduced by the authorities to reduce rent-seeking behaviour and arbitrage opportunities.

The demand for foreign currency has increased following the end of the tobacco marketing season and low gold deliveries due to unfavouarable prices on the local market. This has left some companies and individuals relying on the parallel market for the US dollar which is being sold at a higher premium compared to the formal market.

The weakening of the Zim dollar has had inflationary pressures on the economy as restless workers struggle to make ends meet. As this trend persists, concerns are heightening that the economy could be forced to re-dollarise.

The RBZ’s Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU) last week ordered the freezing of accounts belonging to Sakunda Holdings, Access Finance, Spartan Security, and Croco Motors to pave way for investigations following the dramatic crash of the Zim dollar last week.

This week the central bank ordered the freezing of the accounts of five more companies as it intensifies its clampdown on financial indiscipline. Sources close to the developments told Business Times that the stance by the FIU would see more company accounts being frozen as the central bank moves to curb the illicit financial dealings.

“The investigations will be guided by the provisions of the Banking Act and the Bank Use Promotion and Suppression of Money Laundering Act. No stone will be left unturned,” a source familiar with the investigations told Business Times.

“The FIU has summoned the aforementioned companies to come for questioning early next week when the governor and other monetary authorities’ officials return from the 74th United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) for the concrete decisions.”

RBZ Governor John Mangudya, who is in New York with President Mnangagwa for the UNGA, said the FIU was an independent body which makes its own decisions. Thus, the RBZ would not interfere with the FIU’s investigations or decisions.

“We want to meet those companies whose accounts were frozen to discuss their [huge] transactions and map the way forward,” Mangudya said.

Speculation is rife that contractors under the Command Agriculture Scheme import substitution programme were on the market buying critical inputs and fuel imports for the exercise. Sakunda Holdings is the major contractor of the Command Agriculture programme.

The financing of Command Agriculture has in recent months come under the spotlight with Parliament and the Auditor General raising concerns over its funding model. Parliament’s Public Accounts Committee, led by Tendai Biti, has in the past taken the authorities to task over nearly US$4bn that was not properly accounted for under the project.

By Nelson Chamisa|Thank you Zimbabwe!!The level of your commitment and sacrifice is humbling.

Your support humbled me.

Life is hard and the cost of transport is so high but you came to Rufaro stadium. Against all odds..

Odds of no bus fare or transport, odds of police harassment and roadblocks, odds disinformation…We will get there. God is good all the time God bless you. #Godisinit Pamabvi hatibvi!

See pictures of the below:

Vice President Constantino Chiwenga is now surviving on liquids only a weekly paper Zimbabwe Independent has reported.

Quoting family sources, the paper said the feared General was now on the road to full recovery and could now walk and do certain exercises.

“The operations were very successful and he is in a better condition although he will stay in Beijing for several months. He still can’t eat solid food but is now able to take liquids like water. There has been a massive improvement. He has also gained weight and is now weighing about 80 kilogrammes from about 50kgs when he was taken to China,” the paper reported.

The paper further added that Chiwenga would remain in China for several months before he is allowed to come back to Zimbabwe.

“He is also now able to walk, which is very positive. He is now surrounded by several family members, including his son. He will now remain in China for several more months and will come when he is in a better condition,” another source was quoted saying.

General Chiwenga revealed that he got sick during the November 2017 coup that ended 37 years of Robert Mugabe’s iron rule.

In 2018 General Chiwenga said his disease was a result of a rare disease that attacked him,”Let me say this since the media are here. During Operation Restore Legacy, I was with General Sibanda, he is a great man as you see him, I also called  Matanga. Unfortunately, I fell very sick, while in their company,” he said. “This is what caused my sickness to the extent of having a light skin. I was affected all over the body, and the papers said I am applying a skin-lightening cream.”

Paul Nyathi|The family of former Zimbabwe president Robert Mugabe gathered in his rural homestead on Saturday, three weeks after his death, to attend a much-awaited burial ceremony in the village of Kutama.

VIDEO LOADING BELOW

Mugabe died in a Singapore hospital on September 6, aged 95, almost two years after a military coup ended his despotic 37-year rule.

His remains will be laid to rest in the courtyard of his home in the district of Zvimba, about 55 miles west of the capital Harare.

Widow Grace, known as Gucci Grace for her lavish spending habits, wore a black veil at the ceremony as she looked on at the coffin draped in the nation’s flag.  

Hundreds of mourners assembled for the low-key event, which was initially intended to be a private family ceremony.

Many wore white Mugabe-emblazoned T-shirts with the slogans ‘founding father’, ‘liberator’ and ‘torch bearer.’

Some were singing and dancing. Others sat quietly under two white tents set up for the occasion.

Mugabe’s widow Grace and his children accompanied the casket – drapped in Zimbabwe’s green, yellow, red and black flag.

No senior government officials were among the audience. 

The Mugabe family decided to bury Zimbabwe’s founding father in Kutama after weeks of wrangling with the government, who wanted the body to rest at the National Heroes Acre in Harare. 

A mausoleum was being constructed at the site, which is reserved for heroes of Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle.

Former guerrilla leader Mugabe took power after independence from white minority rule in 1980.

Initially hailed as a pan-African liberator, Mugabe’s rule became increasingly repressive as he cracked down on his political opponents.

This combined with a series of disastrous economic policies to drive millions of Zimbabweans abroad.

Mugabe was toppled by his formerly loyal army generals in 2017.

Many in Mugabe’s family are bitter over his ouster and the role played by his deputy and successor Emmerson Mnangagwa, who was elected president in 2018.

Zimbabwe remains deeply split over his legacy.

The burial of the late former President Robert Mugabe is currently underway at Kutama Village in Zvimba, Mashonaland West province as the family of former Zimbabwe president Robert Mugabe gathered in his rural homestead on Saturday, three weeks after his death, to attend a much-awaited burial ceremony.

Mugabe died on the 6th of September in Singapore at the age of 95 after a long battle with cancer in a Singapore hospital almost two years after a military coup ended his despotic 37-year rule.

The government had been building a mausoleum at the National Heroes Acre in Harare for Mugabe’s burial but his family had a change of mind on Thursday.

His remains will be laid to rest in the courtyard of his home in the district of Zvimba, about 90 kilometres (55 miles) west of the capital Harare.

Hundreds of mourners assembled for the low-key event, which was initially intended to be a private family ceremony.

Mugabe’s widow Grace and his children accompanied the casket — drapped in Zimbabwe’s green, yellow, red and black flag.

Watch video downloading below:

VIDEO LOADING BELOW….

Video- At the opposition MDC 20th Anniversary at Rufaro stadium in Mbare pic.twitter.com/mhkRoAWgKq

— ZimEye (@ZimEye) September 28, 2019

Inside Zim|Not likely. There have been so many twists and turns in the Mugabe saga since he died in Singapore on 6 September that the intrigue is likely to continue for some time after his burial today.

There are too many unanswered questions and new ones are likely to keep popping up.

The first question is, who is being buried today? Is it Mugabe or a dummy? There have been so many reports that he was buried a long time ago at a secret grave that one wonders whether this is true or not and who or what is being buried today.

Now that the Mugabe family has “slapped” Mnangagwa in the face- although he publicly stated that the burial place was entirely up to the family and he will respect their decision- this has raised questions as to what is going to happen to the Blue Roof and all the properties that belong to the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front that the Mugabe family has been using.  If reports that the Mugabe family gave in to government demands to bury Mugabe at the national Heroes’ Acre so that they could be given those properties are true, then what is going to happen now that they have reneged on that promise?

With reports that the family has been closely guarding Mugabe’s body because he told them before he died that those who removed him from power were after his body parts, are we not going to hear that his grave has been tampered with shortly after his burial just to prove that theory?

Spotlight Zimbabwe|In all but the closing chapter of President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s young presidency, the ruling Zanu PF leader has reportedly sent emissaries to request for an exit package deal from Vice President, Rtd General Constantino Chiwenga, and his hardline military backers in preparation for exile, Spotlight Zimbabwe, has been told.

Mnangagwa who is living on borrowed time in office, faced embarassing disapproval and international isolation this week in New York, when he addressed empty chairs at the United Nations (UN) General Assembly, following a walkout by diplomats registering their protest and displeasure at his regime’s increasing wave of political repression and abduction of activists.

Mnangagwa who took a delegation of almost a 100 officials on the U.S. trip aboard a chartered luxurious plane, blowing millions of scare foreign currency and taxpayers money, was airborne as the primate city shut down it’s water treatment plant due to lack of forex to secure chemicals, causing outrage over the President’s Office insensitivity and urge to splurge.

This publication last week reported, that Chiwenga, was going to use the country’s dreaded Joint Operations Command (JOC), to forcefully kick out Mnangagwa from office, and is said to be polishing the nitty-gritties of the plan from China together with a coterie of generals in government, who now want Mnangagwa gone without further delay.

High level government officials and a senior Zanu PF politburo source, said the wheels are coming off on Mnangagwa’s term as Zimbabwe leader, and that he has opted to negotiate for an exit package deal before going into exile, because the situation will get nasty and dangerous once Chiwenga returns home from China, where he is receiving special medical treatment at a military hospital in Beijing.

“The wheels to his presidential term are coming off,” said a high ranking official with the exchequer. “It is so serious that even his close allies, including a prominent government minister are also planning to skip the country, because this whole ship is sinking. We have received information that Mnangagwa has sent emissaries to the vice president to come up with a package for him before he steps down into exile, possibly to the United Arab Emirates. Other countries being mentioned as safe havens for him include, Belarus, Canada and Japan.”

A former aide who worked for Mnangagwa when he was vice president between 2014-2017, told Spotlight Zimbabwe in August, that the president had reportedly found a bolthole in the UAE, where he is thought to have been offered State protection should the need arise, after befriending the Crown Prince of the Emirate of Abu Dhabi, Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan.

Canada was previously involved in brokering an exit package for the late president Robert Mugabe, from behind the scenes with engagement of the UN and South Africa to save Zimbabwe from economic ruin and a humanitarian disaster then.

A former Canadian paliamentarian for Esquimalt—Juan de Fuca in British Columbia, Keith Martin, wrote a letter to former South African president, Thabo Mbeki, in 2007 highlighting the appalling political situation in Zimbabwe, and urging him to “lead an initiative” for Mugabe to step down, in exchange of not having to be dragged before the Hague, and some kind of favourable exit deal incentive.

Mnangagwa received a bootlicking peace, unity, and development award a few days ago, from Zanu PF members in Canada and the United States.

Intelligence sources also said the Zanu PF boss, could easily relocate to Japan, as one of his inner circle cabinet ministers has connections with bankers and business people at the island country in East Asia, which he can use to organise a new home for Mnangagwa.

“If the UAE is not his first pick, chances are that he will opt for Japan or Canada. Belarus is not in the immediate picture. Japan is easier, because one of his inner circle cabinet ministers has connections with bankers and big business over there. Actually the minister in question was the brains behind Mnangagwa’s chairing of a session at the Japan-African business forum in Yokohama, last month.”

The ruling party politburo member said Mnangagwa had also tabled an alternative deal to reach an understanding with VP Chiwenga and the army, but it was all in vain as military hardliners will not tolerate nonsense.

“Mnangagwa’s camp have tried in vain to offer an alternative deal, of reaching a compromise with Chiwenga’s faction and the army, which will see the VP continue in his position as a ceremonial vice president until he has fully recovered from his health challenges,” he said.

“While Chiwenga recuperates Mnangagwa’s backers proposed to appoint defence minister, Oppah Muchinguri-Kashiri, as the substantive first vice president of the country, for the duration needed for Chiwenga to be back on his feet, a position which hardline securocrats said was nonsensical and refused to entertain arguing that Chiwenga is a heartbeat away from becoming president.”

Chiwenga is believed to be on the mend in China, although his real health status remains a mystery. Other government insiders said under Mnangagwa’s proposed exit package, he is seeking among other things the right to keep his farms and mansions, including his flagship Sherwood Farm in Kwekwe.

Mnangagwa is also asking for his business interests in the fuel sector, banking, mining, and mobile communications to be spared, the insiders said.

In a sign of a growing vote of no confidence by his own lieutenants, one of his advisors, Shingi Munyeza, on Wednesday questioned Mnangagwa’s managerial competencies, likening the country to a train that was racing for crash, according to local online media reports. Munyeza said Zimbabwe was a train that has been steered in the wrong direction at full speed by its leaders.

“We think we are dealing with a static matter, it is an accelerating situation in the wrong direction which needs to be slowed down, stopped so that we can change where we are going,” said Munyeza at a National People’s Convention convened by civil society groups in the capital.

“We have not yet changed where we are going. Somehow, those in the locomotive and those in the wagon have got to come together and start saying ‘let us agree on how to stop this train, we are all going to crash and burn’. I am not a sadist or a prophet of doom but I can tell you the truth…we will crash at some point if we do not deal with this. We are at war, it is the war of reformer versus conservatives and hawks and let me tell you what is happening, the reformers are losing, the conservatives are losing, that is why the train is picking speed. We are getting closer to the next station where we can either change direction or cause a carnage, we need to cease fire, let us all come to the table engage and dialogue. There must be capacity and competence. We always assume those in leadership have capacity and competence, I stand to question all that now.”

Mnangagwa was also severely reproved by South African opposition Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) leader Julius Malema, as a chancer on Monday, after arriving in the country to pay his last respects to former First Lady Grace Mugabe, following the death of Mugabe early this month.

“We cannot rely on these people to keep his (Mugabe’s) legacy. There can only be one Mugabe, these are chancers. So they should not even try and be like him. They won’t even come near him,” Malema said.

Deputy chief secretary responsible for presidential communications, George Charamba, was not reachable for comment yesterday.

State Media|MOST car parks in Harare’s suburbs have been turned into love nests by commercial sex workers who find it cheaper for their clients to pay the attendants $3 per hour than spending at least $65 at lodges.

Motorists, mostly those who do not have reliable security at their homes, rely on car parks where they pay for the security of their vehicles daily.

Charges for the security of these vehicles vary with car parks.

While car parks play a crucial role in securing vehicles, hookers found it cheaper and convenient to conduct their business there at night.

In the past, couples used to book at local lodges or hotels, but the skyrocketing charges have forced them to improvise and utilise car parks.

Ladies of the night and their clients just drive into the yard and pay an entry fee of $3, which is valid for an hour.

The practice is prevalent at night and the car park owners may not be aware of the shenanigans.

A car park next to Maruta Shopping Centre in Hatfield, along Seke Road is usually a busy spot at night as couples drive in for intimacy.

Prostitutes, mainly from Jongwe Corner Bar and others from Maruta shopping centre and Paramount Signature, are the major clients at the car park in question.

The youthful male attendant comes out of the cabin that is closer to the gate and talks to the hookers, who appear familiar to him.

He demands his $3 before showing the lovebirds a secluded area to park their vehicle, usually behind big trucks.

The couples will enjoy an uninterrupted hour of intimacy.

However, The Herald noticed that some would just spend 10 minutes and leave before the expiry of the paid for hour.

It is indeed a lucrative business for attendants as they pocket $3 fees throughout the night.

During a week-long investigation, The Herald counted the vehicles that got into the car park and recorded almost 90 vehicles for a single night between 9pm and 2am, each paying at least $3.

A few pedestrian couples would also walk into the yard where they paid the fee before being ushered into some non-runner vehicles.

The Herald interviewed a number of prostitutes along Seke Road who said their clients preferred the car park because it was cheaper and lodges were now beyond their reach.

“The car park is cheaper and convenient for us. Clients who pay us about $30 for a brief encounter, find it difficult to pay a further $50 for a lodge.

“It is better to for me to get my money and use the car park,” said one of the sex workers.

Another one said the car park was closer to Jongwe and it was convenient for their business.

“I stay in Epworth and I cannot go home with a client who requires my services for a few minutes.

“It is more convenient to get into the car park and quickly come back here to look for more clients,” she said.

A survey carried out by this publication revealed that lodges considered to be affordable are charging between $50 and $90 an hour and between $150 and $200 per night.

Mugoni Lodge charges $50 for those who would want to book for a short period between 30 minute and one hour while those who want to book for the entire night will have to part with $140.

City to City Haven charges $90 per hour and one would fork out $190 for a night.

These charges are beyond the reach of many couples, who end up being regular guests at car parks.

Car park attendants are said to be making a killing from these hookers.

“Yes, many times we use these car parks for our services. Lodges are expensive for some of our clients who frequent this area. So we negotiate with car park attendants who charge $3 for a brief encounter in any of the cars available on that particular night.

In Mufakose, another sex worker who thought this reporter was a client, was quick to point to a nearby car park as the best place for a “quickie”.

She even offered to pay the $3 to the car park attendant.

“I always use that car park for brief encounters. If you are interested let us go right away. I will pay the $3, and you give me $20,” she said.

Some car park attendants confirmed to the development saying they were making money out of it.

“On a good day, we realise up to $300, which we equally share with my two colleagues. We have an understanding with kombi drivers who leave their vehicles unlocked. We then offer them to those who come here without their own vehicles.

“Motorists who come here, just drive in and do whatever they want to do in their cars,” he said.

Another one said:

“We charge them $3 per hour, but on busy days we demand as much as $10. Our busy days are Fridays and Saturdays. We also give the kombi crews a token of appreciation.”

Paul Nyathi|The late former President Robert Mugabe will not be buried in a cave as a chief would have been buried according to the family culture since Mugabe was said to have been part of the Gushungo Chieftainship.

He will also not be buried next to her mother, Bona, at the family grave site as was reported to have been his wish.

Family spokesperson Leo Mugabe said that the long time ruler of Zimbabwe will be buried in a courtyard at the centre of the homestead.

Leo Mugabe revealed how his uncle will bee buried in an interview on Friday evening.

Listen to the full interview here

Source: VOA Student 7

Paul Nyathi|It is now done deal Robert Mugabe will not be buried at National Heroes Acre in Harare as had been planned but will be buried at a courtyard at his rural home in Zvimba this Saturday.

“The family has expressed its desire to proceed with the burial in Zvimba. In line with Government policy to respect the wishes of families of deceased heroes, Government is cooperating with the Mugabe family,” a statement from the Ministry of Information on September 26 reads.

Revelations of the new burial site come two weeks after emotional mourning which included stampede at Rufaro Stadium by mourning citizens and a number of African leaders travelling for his State funeral at the national stadium in Harare.

On Thursday this week, Al Jazeera revealed that Mugabe’s family was no longer comfortable with burial at National Heroes Acre.

Grace Mugabe was said to be at the centre of the rift pitting the family against President Emmerson Mnangagwa.

The government had resisted his family’s wish for him to be buried in his home region of Zvimba, deciding that he should lay in Heroes Acre – a national monument and burial ground.

The family eventually consented, but on Thursday the government backtracked.

It was not immediately clear what prompted the late change in plans. The Mugabe family had appeared content with the burial at Heroes Acre, after it was agreed that a mausoleum would be built for the former leader.

According to The Telegraph, the family stood its ground maintaining that their patriach be buried alongside his mother and brothers in the village where he grew up.

In the wake of his death, the family publicly complained that they had not been consulted about arrangements for the state funeral.

In a statement, they accused the government of coercion , and said plans to bury Mugabe at the monument were “contrary to [Mugabe’s] wishes”.

The statement said that one of his final requests was for his wife, Grace Mugabe, to never leave Mr Mugabe’s coffin during the funeral and up until the point when he was buried.

His family is said to be bitter over his being ousted by his former ally, President Mnangagwa, two years ago – a resentment that may have contributed to the clash over his burial place. Mr Mnangagwa had pushed for it to be Heroes Acre.

The BBC further reports that the family remains bitter over the ouster of the late Mugabe from power in 2017.

President Mnangagwa revealed that Mugabe died while undergoing treatment for cancer in Singapore.

The late Mugabe and his family had kept details of his health secret for several years as he sought treatment.

Paul Nyathi|Online media Zimbabwe Voice which has a known biase towards the ruling ZANU PF party has published a set of minutes said to be those of the MDC Standing Committee meeting held on the 18th of September 2019 from 10:00hrs to 13:45hrs.

The media claims that the meeting was supposed to be one of the most secret meetings, but unfortunately the minutes were leaked to them.

The said minutes expose the top party officials planning to unleash a wave of violence as well as “marching to the seat of power,” a phrase implying removing the government through violence.

According to the minutes, the opposition party wants to gather enough numbers at its 20th anniversary celebrations being held in Harare today to mount flash protests into Harare CBD.

The MDC anniversary celebrations are being held at the Rufaro Stadium in Mbare, just less than 6km from central Harare.

Efforts to get a comment from the MDC Secretary General Charlton Hwende were not successful at the time of writing but a highly placed source within the party told ZimEye.com that the minutes sounded very fake as the party would never deliberate issues in the manner the minutes are written.

See the images of the minutes below:

Source: Zimbabwe Voice

The Africa Report|In its 53 years in power, the governing party, the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) has never come this close to losing an election. True, it has seen its support dwindle over time, and most notably lost the popular vote in the last election in 2014.

Back then, it was able to retain power because of a combination of the first-past-the-post electoral system and its dominance of the Central Region of the country, which contributes 19 out the 29 seats needed to win a mandate to govern.  Things have changed, and the tables in the election in six weeks are completely turned.

The Khama factor

The most significant risk to the BDP’s electoral fortunes is the party’s fallout with its former president, Ian Khama. Most visible through a public personal spat with his successor Mokgweetsi Masisi, it has seen Khama form his own party, the Botswana Patriotic Front, to contest the election. Whilst Khama has no illusions of wrestling power from Masisi and BDP, he can hurt them really badly. It was Khama who presumably saved the BDP when its popularity declined, especially in rural areas. As chief of the Bangwato (the majority ethnic group in the Central Region), he was drafted in to shore up his subjects’ support. Their allegiance to their Kgosi improved the fortunes of the BDP. Now that he has severed ties with BDP, many of his subjects may follow suit. Ian Khama’s brother Tshekedi, long touted as a possible successor to Ian and then Masisi, resigned from the BDP this week – signaling an irreparable rift.

Some estimates, including his own, are that Khama and his new party can get at least 14 seats. That’s  easily enough to badly hurt the BDP. Even so, in other constituencies that he is unlikely to win, he is openly encouraging voters to ditch the BDP in favour of the opposition coalition, the Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC), led by Duma Boko, and comprised of three parties: his party, the Botswana National Front (BNF), the Botswana Congress Party (BCP) led by Dumelang Saleshando and the Botswana Peoples Party (BPP) led by Motlatsi Molapisi. Khama’s sole agenda is the defeat of Masisi and the BDP. In any event, any sense of politicising ethnicity or ethnicising politics especially in Africa is not just bad but dangerous.

The enemy of my enemy is my friend

As for the opposition, there is little that binds them together ideologically besides a common desire to oust the BDP. Prior to Khama stepping down, they were bound by a common desire to punish Khama for what they alleged was his excessively authoritarian rule. But now with Khama offering them support, ambivalence has set in and they can neither condemn him openly nor continue to call for accountability as they previously did. One notable change in the opposition coalition is the inclusion of the BCP. In the last election in 2014, Saleshando declined to join the coalition. And when the opposition and independents garnered more votes than BDP, he was blamed for handing over victory to the BDP.

Analysis shows that had he joined the coalition, the opposition would have garnered 33 seats, enough to win outright. This time round he did not want to make the same mistake. But beyond that, he is widely respected and seen as a moderating influence in the coalition. Duma Boko, the leader of the coalition, is a charismatic individual and seasoned politician who has been on the scene for some time and popular with young people. He has made the most populist and attractive electoral promises of all – creating 100,000 jobs, quadrupling pensions to P1,500 ($136), doubling the minimum wage to a P3,000 ‘living wage’ and increasing student allowances by 56% from P1,600 to P2,500. Never mind the scanty details on how this will be funded by the fiscus, this is likely to attract some voters. Not to be outdone, Masisi has himself provided populist salary increases to the army, prison workers and the police. This may come in handy for him later in a tussle to retain power.

Corruption – the elephant in the room

Masisi and BDP have made dealing with corruption a major issue in the election. But, this is seen as code for dealing with corruption allegations related to Khama and his allies. One of these is Isaac Kgosi, Khama’s spy chief. He is in Malaysia, where he says he is seeking medical attention.

But, corruption allegations have been contagious. Masisi, himself has not been spared of accusations of knowing and doing nothing – as vice-president, about the looting of P250m from the Petroleum Fund, benefiting several individuals. In his founding affidavit to court, Bakang Seretse, the key suspect in the looting of the fund, made unproven allegations about both Khama and Masisi. They maintain their innocence. Whilst corruption has remained a concern in the country in recent years with high-level scandals, very little has been done to curtail it.

On the campaign trail, there have been concerns regarding the undisclosed financing of the campaign including allegations of support for Duma Boko from controversial South African businessman Zunaid Moti, who provided planes and helicopters for the UDC campaign. The aircraft was seized by the revenue service in what some saw as an act of partisanship in favour of the BDP.

It is unclear to what extent it will have a bearing on the outcome of the election. In view of the fact that all candidates are in one way or the other alleged, accused or implicated albeit remotely, it may really turn out to be a non-issue.

So, who’s winning?

Never in history of the country has the result of an election been so uncertain. Fitch Solutions has put the BDP’s prospects of winning at 35%. But, it does not mean that the opposition coalition, whose prospects Fitch places higher at 40%, will win either. If Khama’s prediction of taking 14 seats holds, garnering the 29 seats required to win may prove elusive for both the BDP and the opposition.

Deal or no deal?

In the absence of an outright winner, a hung parliament is likely to result. Only a coalition government may be able to govern. That may make Khama a kingmaker, and there areno prizes for guessing where he will be casting his lot in view of his spat with the BDP. Then again, a day in politics is too long. A deal may yet be struck with Khama by the BDP to bury the hatchet. Negotiating with a stronger hand, Khama could return to the BDP with greater sway. With the prospect of losing power altogether, the BDP may do any deal to stay there. Whatever the outcome, everyone needs to start seriously thinking about a deal of some sort.

If the opposition aligns with Khama – if he too wins the 14 seats he hopes – then Botswana will for the first time in history have a new party in government. This is highly likely. But, is the country, the BDP and the opposition itself ready for this outcome? In the worst case, a hung parliament may bring with it political instability of the kind seen in Lesotho. Parties will need to quickly learn how to share power and govern together.

Letting go is never easy

53 years is a hell of a long time to be in power. Experience from elsewhere in Africa and the world has shown that the longer a party is in power, the less likely it is to give up power willingly even when it loses elections. There are many reasons for this including and especially the political economy. Political patronage systems dominate the landscapes of many countries. The political and economic elites work hand in hand to leverage the political and commercial levers of power. An election result can readily torpedo these systems. The high stakes of losing not just political but economic control with obvious implications on personal livelihoods make losing an unacceptable outcome for political elites in many countries. Examples of ruling parties in the region that have lost elections and refused to give up power include Robert Mugabe’s ZANU-PF in Zimbabwe. In other countries, such as the DRC, the prospect of losing has driven ruling parties into election rigging frenzies. Worse, in some cases, parties have resorted to violence to stay in power.

Contested outcomes

Whatever the case may be, the higher the electoral stakes, the higher the likelihood of a contested electoral outcome. This is likely to be the case in Botswana. Should this ensue, what should we expect?

The classical caution to electoral contestants is always to follow legal and peaceful means to contest outcomes they are unhappy with. In most cases, this is the route some take. But, in many African elections, the legal route to resolving electoral disputes is the least attractive to losers. Factors such as lack of independence, partisanship and lack of impartiality by the courts and justice systems have led opposition parties to reject outright the use of the courts to adjudicate electoral disputes in many countries, including in Kenya in 2008. Even when parties do use the courts, such as in Zimbabwe in 2002, 2008, 2013, and 2018, the courts often either drag their feet until the next election – rendering the petition useless, or when they do hear the petition, fail to deliver reasoned judgement up to a year later, as they did in the presidential election in Zimbabwe.

So, whether losing political contestants opt for judicial resolution depends on the levels of trust and confidence they may have in the judiciary and its independence. In Botswana, the most recent example of a court-led electoral dispute resolution is the petition by President Masisi’s rival for the BDP presidency, Pelonomi Venson- Moitoi.  In that case, several judges recused themselves alleging possible conflict of interest. Botswana is a country with a very small population and such conflicts are commonplace with personal relationships the order of the day.

The relationship between the executive and judiciary in Botswana has also not been good. Prior to stepping down, Khama suspended several judges and forced them to apologise before reinstating them in a move that was widely regarded as a significant incursion into their independence. The bitter taste of this infringement looms large as the country approaches potentially contentious elections.

Hoping for the best, preparing for the worst

If you ask Batswana, they will tell you that they are a peaceful and tolerant people who will never use violence against each other -especially for politics. Whilst this is largely true, it is also false. There have been instances of election-related violence in previous elections. In addition, that there has not been violence before does not mean they can never be.

It can be triggered by perceived flaws in the electoral process, lack of trust in those running elections. It can be used by one party to intimidate and force particular electoral choices by voters, as happened in Zimbabwe in 2008. It can also be triggered by an outcome that is perceived as not reflecting the will of the people, as was the case in Malawi.

Experience of elections and violence from around the world shows that there are many drivers of election-related violence and the changes in space and time can drive hitherto peaceful communities into confrontation.

The greatest responsibility to avert chaos lies with the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), the body responsible for managing the election. This will be the toughest election it will ever have run. It will also have to be the cleanest. The process will have to meet the transparency and credibility test in every respect in order for the outcome to be credible and acceptable. Domestic and external observers will be needed to verify the transparency and credibility of the process and the extent to which it is an accurate reflection of the will of the Batswana.

An architecture for peace

Undesirable as it maybe, is therefore possible that the election could bring with it some violence. For this reason, there has to be a certain level of preparedness to prevent it. Many countries come back from the brink because there exist within societies an architecture for peace – in other words  institutions, systems, individuals that transcend the political spectrum to build and promote social cohesion. It is the peace architecture that helps societies ride the wave of political turbulence. Botswana will need its own architecture ready and on standby to bring the country back from the brink should it go there.

But, this time around the region’s and the continent’s poster child for democracy will also need help from the outside as it seeks to navigate its greatest political test ever.

Paul Nyathi|The former President’s nephew, Leo Mugabe, in an interview with Voice Of America, emphasised that the burial of the late leader will be a very private affair. Mugabe will be buried today in Kutama his home village after his family snubbed the heroes acre.

In ask interview on Friday, Leo Mugabe said the family does not regret changing the burial arrangements at the last minute and costing government money in the construction of a mausoleum at the National Heroes Acre.

Listen to the full interview here

Source: VOA Student 7

Independent|Councillor Herbert Gomba has spoken about the intensifying Harare Water crisis. In an interview with Zimbabwe Independent, the mayor spoke about the woes tormenting the city fathers in supplying clean water to Harare residents. The Mayor said their biggest challenge is importing chemicals which they need at least US$3 a month to buy chemicals especially chlorine gas.

The Mayor also said they need at least ZW$40 Million a month now to treat the water due to the volatile interbank exchange rates. He dismissed reports that the government was now taking over Morton Jaffray Waterworks in the same interview. The Mayor also shed light on the council’s plans to construct other dams to supply Harare with water and shed more light on why the projects had a false start. Read the full transcript below as posted by the Zim Ind:

TK: This week council announced that it had to shut down operations at the Morton Jaffray Waterworks owing to inadequate treatment chemicals. How much money is required on a monthly basis to ensure is a consistent supply of treated water to residents?

HG: On average, we need at least US$3 million to procure chemicals that will last a month. However, if the Procurement Authority of Zimbabwe (Praz) approves our application for production of our own chemicals to happen at the plant, that will reduce the cost by US$1 million.

TK: We understand there is more to the water crisis than just a shortage of forex to buy purification chemicals. What are the other challenges causing these water cuts?

HG: It is basically due to inadequate chemicals, particularly chlorine gas. The challenge is that since the removal of the 1:1 we are now required to chase the interbank market for forex, meaning we needed ZW$40 million from residents to procure the US$3 million from the banks.
TK: The government this week announced it was taking over the Morton Jaffray plant. Is that true?

HG: Morton Jaffray is run by City of Harare. We have no communication to the effect that government has taken over the plant. You must remember that central government once transferred management of the plant to Zimbabwe National Water Authority (Zinwa) and you know what happened. Nationalising the plant will not bring the foreign currency which is required to procure treatment chemicals.

The ideal situation is to have US$9 million to buy three months’ supply of chemicals as cover for eventualities; that was what the Rhodesian government would do. However, under the current circumstances, we only have foreign currency to buy chemicals that will last for only four days. Then after that, we have to start running around to mobilise the money needed to import treatment chemicals.

TK: This week, you announced that you had secured chemicals to last seven days. Going forward, what measures have you put in place to ensure that water supply returns to normalcy?

HG: We have bought chemicals for seven days and are waiting for government to transfer the ZW$37,4 million it promised after our requests. We are also building internal capacities to get more resources.TK: How is the ZW$37,4 million going to be utilised?

HG: It is yet to be transferred to our municipal account and its use is detailed in our request to the parent ministry. We need to do piping, metering and improve the purification capacity.

TK: In 2013, council received a US$144 million loan from China Export and Import Bank to fund the same tasks you are asking for more money. Can you explain how that money used?

HG: Only US$72 million from that US$144 million was used. The Chinese started raising issues around the non-payment of other government debts. It was also the case with that loan facility because it was guaranteed by the government.

Part of that money was used to refurbish Morton Jaffray, while some of it was channelled towards the procurement of vehicles. This was done by the commission which was running the city in June and July 2013.

TK: We understand that up to 60% of the water which the council treats is lost through leakages. What is being done to curb these leakages?
HG: We have sent our work programme to government for approvals. The work programme includes entering into agreements with the Chinese for a comprehensive project to do pipe replacement. As it stands, we are using internal resources to do it.

TK: There are some suburbs which have not been receiving water for over a decade now, what is council doing to ensure that potable water is supplied to those communities?

HG: Council is committed to supplying those suburbs with water, but that can only be done through rationalising water distribution and managing water demand.
TK: How has the re-introduction of the Zimbabwean dollar impacted on your operations, particularly in light of your import requirements?

HG: It has caused a lot of problems, particularly the removal of the 1:1 ratio and the multi-currency pricing regime. What it means is that we are now chasing the interbank market with limited resources from a price-controlled product such as water.

TK: There are a number of informal settlements sprouting across the city, thereby straining service delivery. What is council doing to regularise these illegal settlements?

HG: We have approached the High Court in terms of the law, seeking to remove some but, again, we will regularise where possible.TK: The Kunzvi Dam project has been on the cards for decades. What is stalling progress?

HG: The tender was awarded but nothing has been done yet. We need to expedite the construction of Kunzvi and Muda dams in order to ensure adequate supply of water. Unfortunately, it is Zinwa and the Ministry of Water who must do that. We can only remind them of the urgency of now.
TK: How much is required to finalise the project?

HG: Kunzvi needs US$450 million and Muda requires US$180 million, according to research done before by engineers.

End of Mission Statement of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association, Mr. Clément Nyaletsossi Voule, on his visit to Zimbabwe (17-27 September 2019).

VIDEO LOADING BELOW….

https://youtu.be/2GqVvku5nas

VIDEO LOADING BELOW….

https://youtu.be/2GqVvku5nas

End of Mission Statement of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association, Mr. Clément Nyaletsossi Voule, on his visit to Zimbabwe (17-27 September 2019)
27 September 2019, Harare:

Members of the press,

Ladies and gentlemen,

In my capacity as United Nations Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association, I conclude today the first official visit carried by a United Nations Special Procedures mandate holder in the country, which took place from 17 to 27 September 2019.

As a Special Rapporteur, my views are independent. I present reports to the Human Rights Council and the General Assembly. The overarching purpose of my visit to Zimbabwe is to contribute to the efforts it has undertaken in its path towards democratization and to offer recommendations as to how Zimbabwe can better respect, promote, protect and implement international human rights law and standards as they apply to the exercise of the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association.

I would like to begin by expressing my appreciation to the Government of Zimbabwe for having extended an invitation to my mandate to visit the country with the aim of assessing, in a spirit of dialogue and cooperation, the level of enjoyment of these two civil and political rights. I would also like to thank the Government of Zimbabwe for the cooperation extended to me prior to and throughout the visit. I hope that after my departure we will continue working jointly towards a better enjoyment of these rights by all.

I would also like to particularly thank representatives of independent institutions who also engaged in this dialogue as well as a wide-range of civil society representatives from around the country, including chiefs and community based organizations, trade union leaders and women human rights defenders.

I also take this opportunity to sincerely thank the UN Resident Coordinator ad interim and his Human Rights Advisor, the UNDP Representative and their Offices as well as the World Food Programme for the support provided to me.

During my visit, I had the opportunity to travel outside the capital to Bulawayo, Hwange in the Matabeleland North Province and Mutare, Arda Transau and Marange, in the Manicaland Province.

In Harare, I met with senior Government authorities, including the Acting Minister of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, the Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, the Minister of Home Affairs and Cultural Heritage and authorities from the Zimbabwe National Police, the Minister of Defence and War Veterans, the Deputy Minister of Mines and Mining Development, accompanied by representatives of the Zimbabwe Consolidated Diamond Company, the Speaker of Parliament and heads of relevant parliamentary Committees, the Attorney General, the Prosecutor General and the Chief Justice. I also held meetings with representatives of the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission and the National Peace and Reconciliation Commission as well as with the members of the United Nations Country Team, the diplomatic community, representatives of civil society and representative of the main opposition political party, at their request.

Although the majority of my requests for meetings and visits to places of interest to my mandate were facilitated, I regret that my requests to meet with the Minister of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare; the Minister of Finance and Economic Development; and the Mayor of Harare could not be accommodated despite the length of my ten-day visit.

In addition, outside Harare, I also met local authorities such as the Minister of State of Bulawayo, the Mayor of Bulawayo, the Minister of State of Manicaland and the Mayor of Mutare as well as with relevant law enforcement authorities and development programme officers in both provinces.

I will now present some of the preliminary findings and recommendations in the spirit of holding a constructive dialogue and based on information received before and throughout my visit. I will elaborate on these preliminary findings in a more detailed manner in a report that will be presented at the 44th session of the UN Human Rights Council in June 2020. These preliminary findings neither reflect all the issues presented to me, nor all the initiatives undertaken by the Government of the Zimbabwe.

Zimbabwe has ratified a number of international and regional human rights instruments and committed itself to observe them. I would like to encourage it to ratify the remaining key international human rights treaties such as the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment; the Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances and the optional protocols to which it is not yet a State party, in particular those of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. In addition, during the Universal Periodic Review in 2016, Zimbabwe accepted recommendations pertaining to the freedoms I am mandated to monitor. My assessment is guided by these principles.

Democratic transition

Zimbabwe has gone through different political transitions in the course of its recent history since independence in 1980. More recently, as a result of a National Unity Government, a Constitution was adopted in 2013 which includes an expansive bill of rights with specific provisions promoting and protecting the rights on freedom of peaceful assembly and of association.

With the new constitutional framework that includes the establishment of a number of independent institutions, the recent change of leadership, prospects of legal and judicial reform, effective economic recovery measures and changes in the governance structures,, arose as a natural expectation for many Zimbabweans who are desperately awaiting to improve the quality of their lives.

I have repeatedly heard from different segments of society that the “new dispensation” brings the hope of more freedoms. The Government has committed to have a more open and democratic space, that enables a multi-party democratic political system. They have also promised to erect a transparent, just, accountable and responsive way of governance based on the rule of law, respecting the principles of separation of powers.

The transition has also brought along reassurances of strategic reengagement with representatives of the international community as well as with financial institutions. The Government has said it will take a strong stance in relation to the fight against corruption and impunity and has recommitted to its obligations contained in regional and international human rights instruments.

Albeit the common belief that a transformation will come, I believe that the long-awaited hopes are fading. The population is now questioning the Government’s capacity to bring about such changes. They feel they have not experienced concrete and tangible results. On the contrary, I have perceived from my different meetings around the country, that there is a serious deterioration of the political, economic and social environment since August 2018 resulting in fear, frustration and anxiety among a large number of Zimbabweans.

Freedom of Peaceful Assembly

Zimbabwe is a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which it acceded to on 13 May 1991, and which provides for the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association under articles 21 and 22.

The Constitution guarantees freedom of peaceful assembly. Various pieces of legislation give effect to Sections 58 and 59 of the Constitution that provides for this fundamental right such as the Public Order and Security Act (POSA), the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act and the Electoral Act.

I was informed that the POSA will soon be repealed and replaced by the Maintenance of Peace and Order Bill (MOPO) which “will provide mechanisms to ensure that the police in maintaining law, order and suppression of civil commotion or disturbances in any police district do so in a manner that does not compromise human rights”.

While I acknowledge that there is a need to enact a new law in accordance with international human rights norms and standards, the MOPO bill has worrying similarities to the POSA revealing a common scope in which the exercise of the right to peaceful assembly is not fully guaranteed. Instead the MOPO bill continues to give law enforcement agencies broad regulatory discretion and powers.

The MOPO bill does not propose significant substantive amendments targeted to address the main problems prevailing in the POSA. One important improvement is the deletion of Section 27 of the POSA related to the temporary prohibition of holding processions or public demonstrations within particular police districts, however this change is made based on the declaration of unconstitutionality made by the Constitutional Court in 2018. Another improvement is the provision mandating the President, instead of the Minister of Defence (as provided by POSA), to authorize the deployment of military forces to assist the police in exercising their functions, and report promptly to Parliament bringing it in line with the Constitution.

I have emphasized in my different meetings with government authorities that assemblies should be presumed lawful and peaceful. Permissible limitations to this right are set out in international law and require the Government to explicitly justify any limitation, to explain the necessity of any limitation, its legality and proportionality in the interests of national security or public safety, public order, the protection of public health or morals, or the protection of the rights and freedoms of others. Citizens should be able to challenge such limitations in the courts. Under international law it is not enough for a Government to say demonstrations pose a national security threat, a Government has the obligation to identify the specific risks it is concerned about, the measures it will implement to mitigate such risks and the limited number of restrictions it will order to manage the risks. Blanket prohibitions are rarely lawful. The role of the Government is to mitigate risks to enable the enjoyment of the fundamental right to peaceful protest.

From my discussions on recent events, I have perceived that the use of military forces has a profound negative impact, including in the minds of the population, who fear these forces are not adequately trained to handle demonstrations. On this point, I would like to stress that the involvement of the military in the managing of assemblies contradicts the Guidelines for the Policing of Assemblies by Law Enforcement Officials in Africa, as they provide that military forces must only be used in exceptional circumstances and only if absolutely necessary. This same criteria has been used by the CCPR that has recommended “to ensure that public order is, to the maximum extent possible, upheld by civilian rather than military authorities” (CCPR/C/VEN/CO/4).

I am also concerned that the MOPO bill contains notification requirements for certain gatherings, including cumbersome administrative processes – that amount to an authorization, not a notification regime. It is also of concern that spontaneous assemblies are not protected in the bill, which does not recognize the right of individuals to engage in spontaneous public gatherings.

I have requested to be briefed on how the notification procedure is implemented in practice in different provinces and found that it is extremely burdensome in terms of administrative requirements but also very intrusive in its demands, undermining the exercise of this fundamental freedom for public gatherings and private meetings.

I firmly believe that the exercise of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly should not be subjected to authorization. At most, a prior notification procedure is sufficient, in order to facilitate peaceful assemblies and to take measures to protect public safety and order and the rights and freedoms of others. Moreover, spontaneous assemblies should be recognized in law and exempted from prior notification in conformity with the jurisprudence of the CCPR that reaffirms that article 21 contains an obligation to facilitate spontaneous assemblies without interference.

I am also concerned by the provisions of the MOPO Bill regarding the administrative liability of organizers as well as the criminal liability of organizers and participants of gatherings. Such legal consequences undermine the exercise of the right to freedom of assembly especially as the law does not clearly define the administrative or criminal offenses and the language could provide for a very extensive interpretation of the liability of individuals entitled to exercise this right.

Finally I would like to express my concern in relation to the provisions that allow the police broad discretion to disperse public gatherings as well as the broad search and seizure powers given to law enforcement agencies. The United Nations Basic Guidelines on the Use of Force by law enforcement officers, provide important guidance on these matters in line with international human rights standards.

I trust that as a result of this visit and the good level of cooperation that I have experienced with the Government and seek to maintain, it will be possible for the government to examine the concerns that have been raised in order to revise the MOPO bill according to international human rights standards.

Furthermore, throughout my visit, I have noted that restrictive practices also limit the enjoyment of this freedom.

The restrictions described to me range from very subtle forms of interference, to threats issued by public authorities to suppress protests and dissent, to the use of the judicial system to impose unlawful charges and/or the use of disproportionate and excessive force resulting in massive violations against protestors. I have also heard of numerous cases of arbitrary detentions, cases of injury, torture and even the loss of innocent lives.

Recurrently during meetings with civil society actors, trade union leaders or representatives of dissenting political parties, I have learnt of several number of occasions in which there has been unjustified denials of authorization to demonstrate, some even with extremely short notice, making it virtually impossible to call off the protests at the very last minute and resulting into unwarranted liability.

In response to this seemingly common practice, it was drawn to my attention that the organisers of assemblies are compelled to recurrently challenge these decisions in the courts in order to be able to exercise this fundamental right though the support of court orders.

Another, worrying example is the use of Section 22 of the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act provision on “subverting a constitutional government” to prosecute human rights defenders, civil society and opposition leaders suspected of having played important roles in protests. The crime is similar to treason and could attract up to 20 years of imprisonment. From my meetings, it transpired that leaders calling for protests, supporting protests through public statements or social media, and participating in protests have been charged with this crime and I have been informed that in this year alone, 22 individuals are facing this criminal charge.

I have also heard extremely disturbing reports of excessive, disproportionate and lethal use of force against protestors, through the use of tear gas, batons and live ammunition.

In particular, I would like to refer to the authority’s response to the protests of January 2019 calling for a national ‘stay-away’ in response to massive fuel price increases. The order to disperse protestors participating in the demonstrations led to the use of lethal and excessive use of force, mass arbitrary arrests and torture. Unlawful restrictions on access to internet were also put in place.

On this occasion, I was informed that the military was deployed to the streets in different parts of the country, including in Bulawayo, Harare city centre, Chitungwiza Township and high-density suburbs of Epworth, Mabvuku and Kuwadzana. While I was informed that there was looting and destruction of private property, the disproportionate response by the security forces to the turmoil resulted, according to different sources, in at least 17 killings, including 14 men and 3 women, with more than 300 people treated for serious injuries including 70 for gunshot wounds. I was informed that one police officer in Bulawayo died as a result of these events.

From the conversations held with government authorities in and outside the capital on the facts related to these very unfortunate events, it is clear that, in line with the existing legislation, law enforcement officials view their role in managing assemblies as a public order function, rather than a protection function.

I would like to reiterate my call to the Government to adopt a human rights based approach that facilitates assemblies as an integral human right of every person. An approach that allows for specific, targeted, legal and measured responses to prevent, contain and respond to specific incidents of violence in the context of protests. An approach that leads to the establishment of a well-trained force and professional democratic policing.

From my meetings with different stakeholders, I also heard the testimonies of individuals who lost valuables and property and who until now have not received compensation in respect of these violent acts.

I was shocked by the testimonies of victims who alleged they had been raped and sexually assaulted by military and police elements in the context of the protests. The victims of these crimes explained they were assaulted in their homes, in many cases at night, and felt this was being used as a tactic to cause pain and fear among those linked to leaders of protests or to cause general fear among the population. I also heard of massive arbitrary arrests, and cases of abduction and torture of protestors. During these events children who were caught in the middle of the protests or who wanted to actively participate in them were prevented from doing so.

I was also informed of cases of internet shutdown that took place during the crackdown of protests further limiting the right to peacefully assembly. I strongly believe that network disruptions are in clear violation of international law and cannot be justified under any circumstances. Network shutdown orders often lack a legal basis and these events in Zimbabwe were no exception. In this sense, I applaud the High Court’s decision ruling that the Minister of State responsible for national security in the President’s Office did not have the authority to issue any directives in terms of the Interception of Communications Act.

Although, the events of January 2019 affected most of the country, I would like to recognize efforts made in Bulawayo to address this situation, among other issues, when the President met with a large and diverse representation of the Matabeleland Collective. A set of follow up action points was reached with the Matebeleland Collective and I call on the Government to closely monitor the implementation of all items discussed, in particular, action point 14.

In another instance, in Hwange, I met with spouses of workers of the Hwange Colliery, who initiated protests on behalf of their husbands due to unpaid salaries of almost 5 years. Since the workers feared victimisation from the employer which could result in dismissal from work, a group of women decided to make the situation visible by protesting peacefully and camping at the company’s premises to demand their husbands’ due payments. The women indicated that they have endured very difficult moments, not only as a result of the hardships that they were confronted with in their homes but also because of pressure and threats from anonymous sources possibly linked to the company. The company took the women to court on civil and criminal charges for trespassing on the company’s premises. Although the cases were dismissed from the courts, the women decided to put an end to the protests as they felt were not being listened to, while they had suffered too much hardship. The role that non-State actors also play in creating an environment of fear, to silence the voice of the most desperate, is a matter of concern, which warrants attention by state authorities in order to prevent and respond to such acts.

Although there are areas of concern I am encouraged that the Government took steps to investigate the crackdown of the protests of 1 August 2018, which took place after the harmonised national elections, when demonstrators took to the streets of Harare demanding the immediate release of the election results. On this occasion, what started out as a peaceful protest turned into chaos and included violent indiscriminate acts. As a result of these protests at least six persons were killed and many others tortured and injured.

In order to investigate these events, through Statutory Instrument 181 of 2018, a Commission of Inquiry, now known as the Motlanthe Commission, was appointed and a final report has been presented with recommendations. These include recommendations such as the need to compensate the losses and damages caused, including support and school fees for the children of the deceased; the need to promote political tolerance, as well as responsible and accountable leadership and citizenry; the need to adopt electoral reforms to enhance the transparent and expeditious announcement of election results; the need to build the capacity of law enforcement authorities; the need for accountability in respect of the alleged perpetrators and the need for nation building and reconciliation including an initiative for multi-party dialogue and cooperation.

During my meeting with the Minister of Justice, I was informed that as a response to the recommendations of the Montlanthe Commission, authorities have continued to undertake legislative and administrative measures to ensure that recommendations are implemented. For example, in March 2019, an Inter-Ministerial Taskforce was established to lead political, electoral and legislative reforms. I hope to get additional information on the work of the taskforce and the implementation of the recommendations.

I commend the Government for these efforts and encourage it to follow this good practice in relation to other such incidents which have occurred.

To conclude, I would like to reiterate that the right to peacefully assemble is a basic pillar in any democracy and should not be negated and feared. On the contrary, it should be allowed and encouraged as its intrinsic value is to allow individuals and groups to express aspirations and concerns publicly. It is in the interests of the State to allow public and peaceful assemblies as a “release valve” in order to avoid recourse to other means of dissent and disagreement that are not desirable and can be harmful to society as a whole. It is a right and one that the State has the obligation to enable and protect.

Freedom of Association

The right to freedom of association is guaranteed in Constitution and is currently regulated through legislation such as the Private Voluntary Organisations Act (PVOA) and the Deeds Registries Act.

Registration of associations, including NGOs, is required by the PVOA and is done through the Department of Social Welfare under the Ministry of Public Service Labour and Social Welfare. I am informed that the registration procedure can be onerous, lengthy and complex in nature requiring, through the PVO registration form, a significant amount of detailed information of the association, and additional documents can be requested at the discretion of the Registrar of PVOs.

Applicant associations are required to provide a proof of public notice in national papers in order to call for objections, which should be lodged with the Registrar. If an applying association has been denied registration due to their political stance and support or under vague circumstances such as “appears unable to abide by the objectives”, no system for challenging the decision is in place.

Foreign funding is strictly regulated and when allowed is met with hostile government rhetoric. International non-governmental organisations intending to operate in the country are required to conclude a memorandum of understanding or cooperation with Government. The PVOA stipulates severe penalties for any unregistered organisations that continue to operate in the country.

In addition to the limitations in setting up an association, the PVOA grants wide discretionary powers to the Minister who can interfere in the internal governance of the association, if she or he believes that a PVO has failed to comply with its objectives or constitution, has been subject to maladministration, or has engaged in illegal activities, or that “it is necessary or desirable to do so in the public interest” or any other ground in terms of Section 21 of the PVOA. Another barrier to the activities of associations relates to the authority of the Minister to inspect “any aspect of the affairs or activities” of any an association.

Considering the registration limitations and challenges provided in the PVOA, many NGOs have resorted to registering themselves as Trusts under the Deeds Registries Act.

Regardless of the law that governs their activities, I have been informed that NGOs are under surveillance in law and in practice. On the latter, I have heard repeatedly accounts of NGOs who need to submit letters of notification to the police informing of their intent to hold meetings in public or even privately.

In particular, I have been able to perceive this toxic environment during my meetings with community based organizations from the Marange region and in Arda Transau whose activities are related to advocacy for transparent, accountable and fair distribution of benefits within the communities in the context of natural resource exploitation.

In both places, I could feel the level of pressure that communities feel because of their activities related to their own well-being and development. The level of isolation in which these communities attempt to operate, which in the case of the Marange communities is even physical, confirms a strong policy of control and intimidation.

In order to reverse this situation, I believe that one of the first steps that the government should take is to carry out genuine consultations with all affected communities, particularly with those that have been relocated. Through the practical guidelines for “Civil society participation in the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development” (A/HRC/41/41/Add.2) and by aligning to the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, a more constructive dialogue can be instituted within the Marange communities and with others in similar situations.

I was also able to understand how activism is immediately related to a political stand even when advocating for the achievement of economic, social and cultural rights. A training abroad can result in arrests upon return to the country, as it occurred earlier this year when activists were detained at the Harare airport and charged with subversion because of their participation in a workshop on peaceful resistance.

I have also been made to understand from my discussions that NGOs working on development and humanitarian issues have been accused of being partisan and based on those perceptions required to sign MOUs with local authorities or they would not be able to implement their projects or activities in a particular province. In the same vein, I received allegations of partisan distribution of food aid.

Finally, I would like to mention that I regret not having being able to meet with the Minister of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare since there were a number of issues of particular concern of this mandate, such as the current audit exercise planned to be completed by October and through which more than 700 private voluntary organisations registered in the country will be scrutinized.

Freedom of Association of trade unions

Trade union activities are guaranteed by the Constitution and regulated mainly by the Labour Act and the Public Service Act. In addition, Zimbabwe ratified, in 1998, the ILO Right to Organise and Collective Bargaining Convention (No. 98) and, in 2003, the ILO Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise Convention (No. 87).

I understand that comprehensive labour law reform and harmonization predates the 2013 Constitution; however, no concrete results have been achieved from this process.

Of particular concern to me are sections 102 and 104 of the Labour Act. Section 102 refers to “essential services” and provides a very wide and open discretion to the Minister of Labour to declare what constitutes an essential service from which workers are denied the right to strike. In turn, Section 104 provides that workers embarking on strike should give a 14 day written notice to the regulating authority. Failure to do so renders the strike illegal, and such workers will not enjoy the right to protest. For instance I learnt that in 2016, 1357 workers of the National Railways of Zimbabwe were dismissed after the Labour Court ruled that they did not comply with the set procedures ignoring the fact that the same workers were owed a significant amount of dollars’ worth in unpaid salaries.

Sections 107, 109 and 112 of the Labour Act in relation to Collective Job Action, which provides for excessive penalties in case of an unlawful collective industrial action, also raise concerns.

The application of POSA to trade union marches, demonstrations and protests actions, has also resulted in the restriction of the right to peaceful assembly and of association despite several court orders against law enforcement forces prohibiting them from interfering in these peaceful protests.

During my visit, I have received a considerable number of allegations related to arrests, detentions and even abductions of a high number of trade union leaders and members that have taken place in connection with their activities. In particular, I would like to refer to the alleged abduction of Dr. Peter Magombeyi, acting president of the Zimbabwe Hospitals Doctors Association (ZHDA), who led a series of strikes over working conditions and poor pay in the health sector. Although Dr. Magombeyi was later found and the matter is currently under investigation by the authorities, I would like to mention that this is not an isolated case and that union leaders that requested to meet with me expressed that they were living in a toxic environment of constant retaliation and fear.

Due to the current economic situation the country is facing, mass striking appears to be taking place regularly in the country. However, reactions by authorities do not appear to be in line with their Constitution and international commitments.

For instance, in April 2018, there was a nationwide nurses’ strike. The Vice President dismissed all nurses participating in the strikes and ordered the recruitment of new nurses to cover the gaps. As a result, the Zimbabwe Nurses Association (ZINA) went to court to reverse the order, saying that the Vice President did not have the authority to issue such an order and claiming that members had been threatened when negotiations with the government had taken place. The order was later reversed, and the nurses returned to work, but the incident reflected the government’s stance on striking.

Another worrying example is that of the Amalgamated Rural Teachers Union of Zimbabwe (ARTUZ), whose fourteen members were arrested and charged with “disorderly conduct” after organising protests concerning the economic crisis in Zimbabwe as well as low wages in December 2018. On this case, the Harare Court dismissed it stating that trade unions are exempt from the application of POSA.

Key Recommendations and Conclusions

Zimbabwe’s openness to receive my mission and the visits of other United Nations Special Procedures is an important step in its efforts to create a more enabling environment for human rights. I hope that my visit and the conclusions and recommendations of my visit will assist the authorities in improving the environment for and protection of the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and association.

In particular, I would like to urge the Government, in line with Section 210 of the Constitution, to establish an effective and independent mechanism for receiving and investigating complaints from members of the public in respect of misconduct by security services and remedy any harm caused by such misconduct. Furthermore, it is critical that in establishing such an oversight mechanism, its independence is ensured in line with international law principles and best practices.

The Government’s stated commitment to improve human rights and widen democratic space is welcome. The 2013 Constitution provides a sound and robust basis for the protection of human rights and it is important to acknowledge progress in the setting up of several independent commissions.

I lament the loss of lives due to excessive use of force against protestors and urge the Government to ensure a thorough and independent investigation of these events and the prosecution of those responsible. The repression of protestors, the attempt to ban protests, the excessive use of force and the restrictive application of legislation regulating the rights of freedom of peaceful assembly and association gravely overshadow efforts to democratically transform Zimbabwe.

I urge the Government to amend laws that are not in line with the Constitution and make use of the independent institutions which are designed to facilitate the exercise of human rights and the courts, in order to ensure that all human rights are enjoyed by all those under its jurisdiction. I recommend that the Government takes steps to identify gaps in legislation which may allow for its discriminatory use, and makes concerted efforts to close these gaps. In these processes, I strongly call for a close consultation with civil society organizations and encourage them to actively engage and participate.

The Government has the momentous task of redressing and solving the long and grave economic crisis afflicting Zimbabwe. In order to be able to find durable solutions that protect the most vulnerable, the Government of Zimbabwe is going to need the support and assistance of the international community. It is important for all actors to join forces to assist in this effort.

In such a context, the Government must protect its citizens’ rights to organize and to assemble. The Government’s role is to enable the free expression different views. The Government must strengthen good practices that enhance dialogue, that allow for democratic expression and organization and respond to the grievances of the people. Such an approach will help enable a solution to the crisis, with the participation of the citizens of Zimbabwe.

It is furthermore important that the Government acts to address the root causes of protests, dealing head on with the issues raised by the populace in the course of their demonstrations.

In a similar vein, following the testimonies that I have received while travelling throughout the country, I am of the opinion that reform of the security sector and strengthening the capacity of reformed structures will go a long way in preventing unnecessary disproportionate use of force, intimidation, surveillance, of civil society, social movement leaders and building trust among communities.

With regards to the Maintenance of Peace and Order Bill (MOPO Bill), which will replace the POSA, I encourage the government to ensure that this new bill is brought in line with the international standards to effectively guarantee the enjoyment of the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly. In that regard, my full end of mission statement and the report I will produce of my visit, will contain detailed recommendations regarding specific provisions of the MOPO Bill law that I believe should be amended, to bring them into conformity with Zimbabwe’s international human rights obligations.

Regarding the trade unions, I urge the government to implement the recommendations of the ILO Committee on the Application of Standards (CAS) adopted by the International Labour Conference of June 2019 and accept a direct contact mission to assess progress in this regard.

In order to build trust between the government and civil society actors and create an enabling environment for civil society work, it is important to withdraw all criminal charges against workers’ representatives and civil society leaders who were arrested for exercising their right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association.

I would also like to encourage the government to follow up and deliver on the recommendations issued by the Montlanthe Commission as well as with other instances such as the action points from the meeting with the Matabeland Collective.

The effective combat of corruption and impunity is key in delivering on the promises under the “new dispensation” and concrete and tangible result need to be achieved in this regard.

I encourage the government to seek the support of the Office of High Commissioner for Human Rights through the establishment of an Office to support the government’s efforts to promote and protect human rights in this critical transition.

I equally encourage the government to continue to open up the country for the visit of the United Nations Special Procedures in order to benefit from the expertise of these mechanisms.

I urge the Government to ensure that no acts of reprisals, threats or intimidation occur against those under its jurisdiction who have interacted with me or cooperated with the United Nations.

All in all, I urge the Government to take the issues raised in my preliminary observations into consideration, and I underline that, in this regard, my mandate remains available to the Government for any advice regarding the implementation of the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association, technical or otherwise. Furthermore, at the Government’s invitation, I would be happy to conduct a follow up country visit should the opportunity arise.

I am grateful to have had the opportunity to visit Zimbabwe during this critical period, I strongly believe that Zimbabweans are peaceful loving people and that the Government should capitalize on this value and facilitate an unfettered exercise of democratic fundamental freedoms.

I look forward to continuing our dialogue, including through pending replies to communication from my mandate, and discussing my full report when I present it in June 2020 at the 44th session of the UN Human Rights Council.

I thank you for your attention.

Contact Us
Block 10, Arundel Office Park, Norfolk Road
Mt Pleasant, Harare, Zimbabwe
Phone: +263-4-338 836-44, Fax: +263-4-338 294.

Follow Us
facebook.pngtwitter.pngyoutube.pngcredit-logo.jpg
Additional funding for UN coherence efforts in Zimbabwe is provided by the UN Country Team and through a generous grant from the Government of Sweden.

VIDEO LOADING BELOW (commentary)….

By A Correspondent| Harare mayor Councillor Herbert Gomba has spoken about the intensifying Harare Water crisis.

In an interview with Zimbabwe Independent, the mayor spoke about the woes tormenting the city fathers in supplying clean water to Harare residents.

The Mayor said their biggest challenge is importing chemicals which they need at least US$3million a month to buy chemicals especially chlorine gas.

The Mayor also said they need at least ZW$40 Million a month now to treat the water due to the volatile interbank exchange rates.

He dismissed reports that the government was now taking over Morton Jaffray Waterworks in the same interview. The Mayor also shed light on the council’s plans to construct other dams to supply Harare with water and shed more light on why the projects had a false start.

Read the transcript below:

TK: This week council announced that it had to shut down operations at the Morton Jaffray Waterworks owing to inadequate treatment chemicals. How much money is required on a monthly basis to ensure is a consistent supply of treated water to residents?

HG: On average, we need at least US$3 million to procure chemicals that will last a month. However, if the Procurement Authority of Zimbabwe (Praz) approves our application for production of our own chemicals to happen at the plant, that will reduce the cost by US$1 million.

TK: We understand there is more to the water crisis than just a shortage of forex to buy purification chemicals. What are the other challenges causing these water cuts?

HG: It is basically due to inadequate chemicals, particularly chlorine gas. The challenge is that since the removal of the 1:1 we are now required to chase the interbank market for forex, meaning we needed ZW$40 million from residents to procure the US$3 million from the banks.
TK: The government this week announced it was taking over the Morton Jaffray plant. Is that true?

HG: Morton Jaffray is run by City of Harare. We have no communication to the effect that government has taken over the plant. You must remember that central government once transferred management of the plant to Zimbabwe National Water Authority (Zinwa) and you know what happened. Nationalising the plant will not bring the foreign currency which is required to procure treatment chemicals.

The ideal situation is to have US$9 million to buy three months’ supply of chemicals as cover for eventualities; that was what the Rhodesian government would do. However, under the current circumstances, we only have foreign currency to buy chemicals that will last for only four days. Then after that, we have to start running around to mobilise the money needed to import treatment chemicals.

TK: This week, you announced that you had secured chemicals to last seven days. Going forward, what measures have you put in place to ensure that water supply returns to normalcy?

HG: We have bought chemicals for seven days and are waiting for government to transfer the ZW$37,4 million it promised after our requests. We are also building internal capacities to get more resources.TK: How is the ZW$37,4 million going to be utilised?

HG: It is yet to be transferred to our municipal account and its use is detailed in our request to the parent ministry. We need to do piping, metering and improve the purification capacity.

TK: In 2013, council received a US$144 million loan from China Export and Import Bank to fund the same tasks you are asking for more money. Can you explain how that money used?

HG: Only US$72 million from that US$144 million was used. The Chinese started raising issues around the non-payment of other government debts. It was also the case with that loan facility because it was guaranteed by the government.

Part of that money was used to refurbish Morton Jaffray, while some of it was channelled towards the procurement of vehicles. This was done by the commission which was running the city in June and July 2013.

TK: We understand that up to 60% of the water which the council treats is lost through leakages. What is being done to curb these leakages?
HG: We have sent our work programme to government for approvals. The work programme includes entering into agreements with the Chinese for a comprehensive project to do pipe replacement. As it stands, we are using internal resources to do it.

TK: There are some suburbs which have not been receiving water for over a decade now, what is council doing to ensure that potable water is supplied to those communities?

HG: Council is committed to supplying those suburbs with water, but that can only be done through rationalising water distribution and managing water demand.
TK: How has the re-introduction of the Zimbabwean dollar impacted on your operations, particularly in light of your import requirements?

HG: It has caused a lot of problems, particularly the removal of the 1:1 ratio and the multi-currency pricing regime. What it means is that we are now chasing the interbank market with limited resources from a price-controlled product such as water.

TK: There are a number of informal settlements sprouting across the city, thereby straining service delivery. What is council doing to regularise these illegal settlements?

HG: We have approached the High Court in terms of the law, seeking to remove some but, again, we will regularise where possible.TK: The Kunzvi Dam project has been on the cards for decades. What is stalling progress?

HG: The tender was awarded but nothing has been done yet. We need to expedite the construction of Kunzvi and Muda dams in order to ensure adequate supply of water. Unfortunately, it is Zinwa and the Ministry of Water who must do that. We can only remind them of the urgency of now.
TK: How much is required to finalise the project?

HG: Kunzvi needs US$450 million and Muda requires US$180 million, according to research done before by engineers.

Paul Nyathi|The University of Zimbabwe has made drastic adjustments to its students’ menu by adding beans as part of their meal plan.

The institution has also made some serious rationing which will see 12 students sharing one chicken, 1kg beef for 12 students with each student getting 1 piece of meat. 1 litre of milk will cater for 40 students.

See full menu below

By A Correspondent| Government has finally gazetted laws to govern the industrial production and supply of industrial hemp.

This came to light in a published Government gazette yesterday.

The regulations in the gazette read in part:

These regulations may be cited as the Criminal Law Codification and Reform (Persons who may lawfully possess, deal in or use industrial hemp) Regulations, 2019.

In these regulations  “industrial hemp” means the plant cannabis sativa L. and any part of that plant including the seeds thereof and all derivatives, extracts, cannabinoids, isomers, acids, salts, and salts of isomers, whether growing or not with a delat-9tetrathydrocannabinol concentration of not more than 0,3 percent on a dry weight basis

An application for the issue of a licence in terms of section 27 of the Act shall be made to the Minister, in duplicate and shall be accompanied by the appropriate fee and three copies of a plan of the site proposed to be licensed which shall comply with the requirement specified in these regulations.

In case of an individual, proof of citizenship or proof of being ordinarily resident in Zimbabwe or proof of an exemption by the Minister (will be required).

In the case of a company, proof of citizenship or proof of being ordinarily resident in Zimbabwe of the majority of directors or proof of an exemption by the Minister and proof of incorporation in Zimbabwe of the company; and a declaration, signed and dated by the proposed authorised person in charge, stating that the authorised person in charge, the proposed responsible person in charge and, if applicable, the proposed alternate responsible person in charge, are familiar with the provisions of the Act (will be required).

-StateMedia

Paul Nyathi|THE Nelson Chamisa led Movement for Democratic Change has been ordered to pay $10 000 in damages and interest to an employee they fired unlawfully.

According to the Daily News, Bramston Gwena had cited the MDC as a respondent in the registration of an arbitral award after it had been opposed by the political party.

High Court judge Tawanda Chitapi registered the arbitral award granting Gwena $10 140 with five percent interest calculated from May 1, 2014 as damages in lieu of reinstatement as an order of the court.

Gwena and 15 other employees took the MDC to the Labour Court sometime in 2015 and it was ordered to reinstate the aggrieved workers without loss of salary and benefits from the date of dismissal.

Source – dailynews

Paul Nyathi|MDC supporters have Friday evening inundated ZimEye.com with enquiries on the authenticity of a social media post gone viral claiming that MDC President Nelson Chamisa has been invited by the Mugabe family to preside over the burial of the late former President Robert Mugabe’s burial.

If you received this post:

The correct position is this:

Also watch MDC speak on the matter in the video downloading below:

By A Correspondent- The wife of the late Upper Room Ministries senior pastor, Bishop Berry Dambaza, has rejected social media claims that she was a woman of loose morals.

Speaking during the funeral of her late husband in Milton Park on Thursday, Sithembeni Dambaza said that she was not with her husband when he threw himself to death from a high-rise building in central Harare. She said:

When I received the sad news about the passing on of my husband my heart was broken.

I was not interested in following what was being posted on social media although someone wanted to share that with me.

I just became emotional and promised to take legal action about it.

People who know me know that whenever I stand on a pulpit to preach, I am not that kind of a person who is of loose morals.

In fact, my job is to correct what is not right and to rebuke what needs to be rebuked. That is me and my husband was different from me.

If people tell you different stories it’s not true. I was not there when my husband passed on.

I was attending to my mother-in-law.

Bishop Dambaza died early this week when he threw himself to death from the third floor of a building along Rezende Street in Harare.

-HMetro

Paul Nyathi|Former President Mugabe’s nephew Leo has finally revealed in an interview on ZTN why the Mugabe’s family has been closely guarding the body of the late former statesman, while also staging fake burials.

In a series of sensational revelations, Leo alleges that people are after the late Mugabe’s body to use it for rituals..

Watch video downloading below:

By A Correspondent- A body mix-up at a funeral parlor in South Africa resulted in a family from Tsholotsho in Matabeleland North burying a wrong corpse.

Bhekisisa Moyo (25) was allegedly stoned to death and his body was taken to a mortuary in Diepsloot in South Africa where the body of Coaster Chauke from Chiredzi, was also being kept.

Moyo’s family mistakenly collected Chauke’s body for burial as they did not conduct body viewing due to the state of their son’s body.

Moyo was allegedly stoned to death in the neighboring country while Chauke was fatally s_tabbed.

Moyo was buried on September 15.

In a telephone interview, Chauke’s family yesterday said the body-mix has left them drained emotionally and financially.

Chauke’s brother Mr Joseph Chinhemba said his family had to bring Moyo’s body to his relatives in Tsholotsho when they discovered the body mix-up.

“My brother and this other one from Tsholotsho were taken to the same funeral parlour following their deaths last month. It seems they were taken on the same day to the parlour. The family from Tsholotsho managed to fix their repatriation papers before us and collected the body; unfortunately they collected my brother’s body which they buried in their rural home in Tsholotsho,” said Mr Chinhemba.

He revealed that Moyo’s family did not conduct the body viewing process in line with their cultural beliefs as their son was killed.

Mr Chinhemba said processes have commenced to ensure that his brother is exhumed for reburial in their rural home.

“This is painful for us. It has exhausted us emotionally, physically and financially. We had to bring a body fully knowing it is not ours from South Africa. Now it is going to cost us further to transport my young brother’s remains to our rural home. Some of our relatives will never get the closure they require as we will also no longer conduct body viewing process,” said Mr Chinhemba.

However, he said they have no qualms with Moyo’s family as they believe that the incident was a genuine mistake.

Mr Chinhemba said if there is anyone to blame it is officials at the South African mortuary.

-StateMedia

By A Correspondent- The price of sugar has been increased by a wide margin just a week after the manufacturer, Tongaat Hulett announced new prices. On 16 September, the company announced the following prices:

• Brown Sugar 1kg –   $11.95
• Brown Sugar 2kg –   $23.90
• Brown Sugar 5kg –   $59.75
• Brown Sugar 10kg – $119.50
• White Sugar 1kg –    $12.58
• White Sugar 2kg –    $25.16
• White Sugar 5kg –    $62.90
• White Sugar 10kg –  $125.80

For the past week, shops were adhering to these prices. In fact, OK supermarket was selling sugar at the old August prices, probably because they were still selling old stock and as we move into summer sugar sales are likely to go down.

This week’s sugar prices:

• OK supermarket $30.50
• TM/ Pick N Pay $28.99
• FoodWorld $30.40
• Choppies $30.40
• Mahommed Mussa $30.00

A survey in the city revealed that downtown retailers are selling it for strictly cash only, with 2kg of sugar being sold at $24 bond. Given the opportunity cost of obtaining cash in Zimbabwe, that translates to about $36.00 making them the most expensive.

ZVAVHARANA as ZBC's OB Van and it's news crew are also shut out of #Mugabeburial pic.twitter.com/U9gduYhAed

— ZimEye (@ZimEye) September 27, 2019

Zimbabwe’s political and economic environment is deteriorating, causing anxiety as hopes fade for a long-awaited improvement in people’s living conditions, a United Nations human rights envoy said on Friday.

Many Zimbabweans are frustrated that the departure in November 2017 of longtime ruler Robert Mugabe, who died on Sept. 6 in Singapore, did not lead to a quick economic recovery and end to heavy-handed tactics by authorities.

The International Monetary Fund said on Thursday Harare needed to intensify reform efforts.

Clement Nyaletsossi Voule, a U.N. envoy on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association, told reporters after a 10-day fact-finding visit that Zimbabweans were questioning the capacity of President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s government to bring about change.

“Albeit the common belief that a transformation will come, I believe that the long-awaited hopes are fading,” Nyaletsossi said.

“I have perceived from my different meetings around the country that there is a serious deterioration of the political, economic and social environment since August 2018, resulting in fear, frustration and anxiety among a large number of Zimbabweans.”

Nick Mangwana, the information ministry’s permanent secretary and principal spokesman, could not be reached for comment on Friday.

Mnangagwa’s disputed election win last year was met by a security crackdown that killed six people, while more than a dozen people died in January when security forces moved in to quell fuel protests that had turned violent.

The government arrested scores of civil society and opposition officials after the January protests and charged them with subversion, which carries a 20-year jail term.

Nyaletsossi said Harare authorities should withdraw the charges against civil society leaders to build trust between government and non-governmental organisations as well as stop surveillance of the groups by state security agents.

Nyaletsossi, who will present his report at the United Nations Human Rights Council meeting next year in June, also urged Mnangagwa’s government to amend security laws to allow peaceful protests and remove a blanket ban on demonstrations.

Last month, the police and courts banned the main opposition party from holding countrywide protests over Mnangagwa’s handling of the economy, saying the demonstrations posed a security threat.

Watch video downloading below:

President once hailed as beacon of African liberation whose rule bankrupted country

Guardian Services|As the armoured vehicles rolled in to Hararein November 2017, after weeks of political fencing and brinkmanship, Robert Mugabecould not believe he had lost. The senior military leadership who placed the Zimbabwean president under house arrest made it clear they were conducting the politest of coups, while stressing to the outside world that it was not a coup at all. It was merely a corrective action and, indeed, at its end, with Mugabe’s resignation, it was still his party, Zanu-PF, in power.

Mugabe, who has died aged 95, came to power as a result of the gun – wielded by others, as he himself never fought in the field – and fell by those who wielded the gun. And, as he fell, the true depths of the economic mire into which he had plunged Zimbabwe – spending so much time on party and succession battles, and seemingly none on issues of deep impoverishment and national non-productivity – became apparent. Emmerson Mnangagwa, the new president, in stressing an economic emphasis and outreach to the world, seemed to admit that the country was bankrupt and that Mugabe had made it so.

Mugabe’s fall from power lifted the political paralysis that had gripped Zimbabwe, which he led as prime minister from 1980, and president from 1987. His authoritarian nature, his ruthless manoeuvres, his stature as the leader of liberation and his scathing disdain of rivals could be a dead hand on friend and foe alike.

However, Mugabe was a highly complex man. He saw himself as last in a line of African liberators and was determined to carry that legacy with him until his death, but he remained an enigma to the non-African world. Even in the 1980s, when he was the darling of the west, diplomats in Harare would characterise him as secluded, deeply private, and monastic in his self-discipline. Though he was also often elegant and eloquent, these characteristics did not disguise his capacity for ruthlessness.

Nor did his immense self-regard as an intellectual. The collector of several master’s degrees, he looked down on his principal democratic challenger, the less well educated Morgan Tsvangirai, and on all those not schooled in the texts of pan-Africanism and African liberation. His problematic affinity with the South African president Thabo Mbeki after the 2008 elections stemmed from Mbeki’s own liberation credentials, but also from Mbeki’s essays on the black struggle as defining both a new Africa and a postcolonial era. Those essays, however, and the Pan-Africanism they espoused, were centred on a doctrine of inclusivity. As a result, Mbeki discouraged Mugabe’s efforts to marginalise completely an opposition leader who had demonstrated significant popular support.

For all his stature and his hugely controversial legacy, Mugabe’s start in nationalist politics was courageous and principled, but not auspicious. He was never a fighter, carrying a rifle in the campaigns against white rule. And nor, despite his commitment to nationalisation of the land, was he ever a peasant, a farmer, or someone who had gripped a hoe until calluses formed.

It was in prison that he began his rise in the nationalist ranks. His militant opposition to white minority rule in what was then Rhodesia led to a 10-year jail term in 1964, after the banning of the newly formed Zimbabwe African National Union (Zanu). Mugabe refused to break under pressure – whereas the Zanu founder and leader, Ndabaningi Sithole, did, renouncing subversion and terrorism after he was sentenced in 1969 for incitement.

By 1974 Mugabe had taken over as leader of the imprisoned movement, but this did not mean he was recognised as a leader outside. Much of his time in prison was spent reading for external degrees from universities in London and South Africa. He was helped by academics at the London School of Economics and the School of Oriental and African Studies. As with the African National Congress (ANC) detainees on Robben Island, a university of the cells was established by the detainees and Mugabe, who had been a teacher in Ghana in the early 1960s, was one of the lecturers.

By the time of his release, he had well-developed views and was vehemently opposed to any accommodation or compromise agreement between the frontline states of southern Africa – committed to ending apartheid and white minority rule – and Rhodesia. Zambia’s president, Kenneth Kaunda, considered Mugabe such a risk to his ambitions for a peaceful region that he had him arrested in 1974. The man who had tasted white imprisonment now found himself detained by a black president. It is perhaps no coincidence then that after Zimbabwe’s independence was achieved and the presidents of the frontline states were honoured with Harare streets named after them, Kaunda’s street was a polluted road beside the railway station.

Kaunda had considered Mugabe an unreasonable and disruptive force and was glad to be rid of him. Arresting him had been an embarrassment, and his “escape” was probably engineered by the Zambians themselves. Mugabe resumed his nationalist activities in Mozambique.

Once across the border, Mugabe found that his prison credentials were not enough to persuade the Zimbabwean nationalist forces – who had massed in Mozambique and had begun a military onslaught against Rhodesia – to accept him as leader.

In Mozambique, President Samora Machel arrested him, ostensibly for Mugabe’s own safety in the face of antipathy from the guerrilla leaders already there, but Machel also shared Kaunda’s suspicion of Mugabe. However, by a series of adroit manoeuvres which established his early reputation for ruthlessness, Mugabe sidelined the rebels’ military command with the support of one key commander, Solomon Mujuru (at the time known by his nom de guerre, Rex Nhongo), and in 1977 he was elected president of Zanu.

Mugabe politicised Zanu to an unprecedented degree. He subordinated the military leaders to party rule and infused the sense of nationalist struggle with his pan-Africanist ideals. The combination of the gun and Mugabe’s political ascent sparked the imagination of young people in Rhodesia, and they flocked to fight under his banner. Trained with Chinese assistance in Mozambique and Tanzania, they were sent back to fight the white regime.

Rival armies

It is part of the mythology created by Mugabe that his guerrillas won independence and majority rule for Zimbabwe, forcing the white Rhodesian forces to capitulate. There is little doubt that his forces inflicted much more damage on the white establishment and infrastructure than the rival forces of Joshua Nkomo’s Zimbabwe African People’s Union, operating from Zambian bases. The two rival armies were made up of differing ethnicities from opposite ends of the country. Though never on friendly terms, the two men had entered a negotiating alliance to secure independence.

Mugabe’s fighters had forced a bloody stalemate on the battlefield, one that – just by pure paring down of numbers – the minority white population could not have sustained for ever. But the white army was not defeated. It took the advent of Margaret Thatcher  as British prime minister in 1979, her foreign secretary, Lord Carrington, and the diplomacy of Kaunda and the Commonwealth secretary general, Shridath Ramphal – not to mention the co-operation of apartheid South Africa – to force negotiations at the end of 1979 that led to the transformation of Rhodesia into Zimbabwe.

The white minority Rhodesian government, alarmed by the attrition of the war, contrived a coalition with moderate black nationalists. Thatcher, anxious to be rid of a diplomatic burden, was prepared to recognise the coalition, but despatched Carrington on a last effort to find a compromise to accommodate all parties. Kaunda and Ramphal persuaded Mugabe and Nkomo to come to the negotiating table, and South Africa, anxious not to have a militant black government on its borders – one which had taken the country by force – persuaded the Rhodesian prime minister, Ian Smith to attend.

The truce that resulted was followed by elections at the end of February 1980. Mugabe won a landslide victory. The newly enfranchised black majority recognised those who had fought for them. It was not the result Thatcher and Carrington had anticipated, but Mugabe’s national address of reconciliation between black and white mollified almost everyone. Mugabe began his rule in Zimbabwe as an internationally acclaimed freedom fighter and apostle of reconciliation.

Beacon of Africa

Almost overnight, he became the new beacon of Africa. He remained in power for 37 years, fighting and winning every election during this time. His concern for electoral validation, even as he entered his last authoritarian phase, was in some senses the mark of a man who, despite all his intellect and ruthlessness, never quite got over the bodies sacrificed during his ascent.

Those bodies accumulated as he held power. The west seemed unaware of the slaughters he instigated in Nkomo’s powerbase, the two Matabeleland provinces of eastern Zimbabwe, from 1982 to 1987. On the suspicion that a rebellion was forming among disaffected former members of Nkomo’s guerrilla army, Mugabe sent in North Korean-trained units to crush them. Exact figures are difficult to ascertain, but some tens of thousands of civilians were killed in a “police action” that turned into a bloody and gratuitous pogrom.

Away from the Matabelelands, Mugabe’s first years in power were regarded internationally as peaceful and democratic. He easily won the 1985 elections but in 1990 faced opposition from his former liberation colleague Edgar Tekere. Mugabe engaged in a series of intimidatory tactics that flawed an election that he would have won anyway. It set a tone of “democracy if there is no serious opposition”. There seemed no irony when, in 1991, the Commonwealth released the Harare Declaration on Human Rights (covering all member states), nor in 1992, when Mugabe lectured the Chinese on the desirability and harmlessness of opposition parties.

But it was also in 1992 that the land question returned to haunt Mugabe. Carrington had pointedly refused to have land ownership included in the negotiations that led to independence in 1980, despite Mugabe’s insistence that most of the landowning settlers were historically of British origin. Also, early efforts at negotiation in the mid-70s had included compensation for land nationalisation, paid from western sources.

However, 1992 saw drought sweep Zimbabwe and questions of productivity of the land were swiftly caught up in those to do with ownership of it. Although the Land Acquisition Act of that year was never enforced, it should have been a warning sign to all, including the international community, that a gradual, phased and compensated programme of land nationalisation should be placed on the agenda before it was forced on to it.

Instead, when Mugabe approached the newly elected Tony Blair about the issue in 1997, he received such a curt dismissal that an antipathy towards Blair became a burning element of Mugabe’s feelings towards Britain. Some, like the British Commonwealth secretary general of that period, Emeka Anyaoku, maintain that the land issue had been postponed in 1992 so as not to alarm white negotiators in South Africa, as that country made its final steps towards majority rule. After Carrington, the British had hoped to nudge the question of land ownership off the main agenda by small but regular funds for land nationalisation. John Major had ensured that this was the case in the early 1990s, but Blair adamantly refused any assurance of increase or even continuation.

This was a lack of historical comprehension on Blair’s part. Although Mugabe’s latter-day views of historical need highlighted the land question, the struggle for independence was as much about racism, equality and freedom. Carrington thought he could sideline land while delivering an acceptable breakthrough on the other goals of the struggle. The British government argued that it could not afford large-scale compensation at that point, and Carrington had been given a hard time by the white delegation at the 1979 negotiations.

But the land issue could not be kept off the agenda for ever. Two-thirds of the arable land of Zimbabwe was in white ownership, acquired by seizure and legislation in which black voices played no part. The argument of the white farmers would have rested on what they had done to make the land commercially productive – so the debate, had Britain been wise, should have been over compensation, but not over historical rights. However, it was the rights issue that, after 1997, Mugabe wheeled out with great literal force.

Mugabe had always been committed intellectually to a vision of black culture having its historical moment. The achievement of the black personality in terms of both its heritage and its place in the modern world was of extreme importance to him. However, given a choice between the fulfilment of that heritage – and to Mugabe that increasingly came to mean ownership of the land – and place within modernity, then he was prepared to choose heritage.

In many ways 1997 was the year that marked the beginning of the downturn of Zimbabwe. Although Mugabe had won the 1995 elections easily, the advent of the war veterans as a pressure group made itself felt soon afterwards. The economy was slowly but markedly deteriorating. Civil society began to campaign with increasing effect for a new constitution, and Mugabe began to express his immense distaste for the British legacy in Zimbabwe, based on both the land issue and what rapidly became a visceral animosity towards Blair.

Had Mugabe retired in 1995, he would have been hailed internationally as a great leader. The slaughters in the Matabelelands would have been considered an unfortunate aberration. Now, as the century turned, Mugabe was well into his 70s. He finally seized the land, but bankrupted the country he had fought so hard to win, divided his own citizens, oppressed those who refused to support him, and created in the midst of a new national poverty a class of oligarchs who stole money from his “historical moment” and supported him as much for their own gain as their deep belief in him and his vision. Land was gained, but equality and freedom lost.

Authoritarian demeanour

If the decline of Zimbabwe began in 1997, recovery with good management was still possible. Mugabe, however, was sucked into the war then raging in the Democratic Republic of Congo. This caused great expense, but it also helped him to consolidate the support of his generals as they were given free rein to plunder the mineral resources of the DRC. However, the public expense and other economic issues, coupled with Mugabe’s increasingly authoritarian demeanour, prompted the creation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by Tsvangirai, in 1999. It became immediately apparent that the new opposition party had a national following.

Against all Mugabe’s expectations, it defeated him in a referendum in early 2000 which he had called over constitutional issues, including an amendment to give the presidency even more power. It was his first defeat, and although it had not been at an election, Mugabe came to recognise the opposition’s strength and was determined that, in elections to come, he would triumph over Tsvangirai and the MDC.

Shortly after the referendum, the pro-Mugabe war veterans were unleashed to begin the seizure of white-owned farms, and administrative and financial chaos descended. For what Mugabe never factored in to his pastoral vision of African heritage was that the agricultural economy of his country was based, not on a romanticised sense of peasant ownership and what it could produce, but on an aggressive and highly modern agriculture industry that sold food and tobacco on the international markets.

Mugabe and Zanu-PF won the 2000 parliamentary elections, then the 2002 presidential ones. He followed this with victory at the 2005 parliamentary polls. But he resorted increasingly to violence and vote-rigging. The violence could be naked, but the rigging was of a highly sophisticated nature and no one has yet uncovered all the details of how it was done. Away from polls, everything the MDC could throw at Mugabe – strikes and protests – was met by repression, heavy-handed police action and violence from hired thugs and paramilitaries. Tsvangirai was charged with treason and, though acquitted, a campaign of psychological harassment was unleashed on him. He began to make mistakes and the MDC split.

A dispirited Tsvangirai then faced the combined presidential and parliamentary elections of 2008 with a split among MDC supporters. All popular wisdom and political punditry suggested that he would be crushed. Mugabe was supremely confident. But the ruination of the country had been such that the electorate insisted on change. By some estimates, Tsvangirai and the MDC won 56 per centof the vote. But when the pattern of results became apparent, Mugabe and his party panicked. Counting promptly stopped.

There followed many weeks of painstaking recounts of the opposition’s vote until it fell below 50 per cent. A runoff was then declared for the presidency which prompted Mugabe to resort to further violence and intimidation. Tsvangirai withdrew in protest and Mugabe was declared the victor.

He had stolen it, but the nature of the theft was such that, at last, other African countries would not stomach a pretence of such magnitude. South Africa’s Mbeki intensified his mediation efforts to bring Mugabe and Tsvangirai together. It was a protracted twisting of arms that eventually led to a fractious power-sharing coalition. Mugabe remained president, his generals and hard men remained powerful and rich, while Tsvangirai was made prime minister and given the task of lifting Zimbabwe out of the economic mire that Mugabe had caused. Mugabe’s party made life difficult for Tsvangirai at every step.

Even so, Tsvangirai’s efforts at government, including the appointment of Tendai Biti as finance minister, and Biti’s wise ministrations of the economy, did bring stability to Zimbabwean financial transactions. And they allowed the consolidation of a Zimbabwean middle class that had been threatened by rampant hyper-inflation. But, despite a huge raft of appeals to surrounding presidents, Tsvangirai could not demilitarise Mugabe’s hold on the election machinery, and the shadow of military power on society as a whole.

The electorate, anxious to hold on to its new financial stability, were drawn once again to Mugabe’s party in the 2013 elections, fearing chaos and military struggle if it was defeated.

Tsvangirai, although impressive as an opposition leader, never really inspired as a prime minister. Although the 2013 elections were rigged to an extent, it was also clear that large numbers voted for Mugabe willingly, and that Tsvangirai had not done enough to break his iron grip on the institutions of Zimbabwe.

The presidency from 2013 onwards became an economic disaster. Mugabe began to concentrate increasingly on party matters, rather than national government. Obsessed with the possibility of plots against him, he purged the party of even his most prized lieutenants. Joice Mujuru, his vice-president, a war heroine and the widow of Solomon Mujuru – who died in mysterious circumstances in 2011 – was purged in December 2014.

The economy began to plummet as Mugabe’s plans to extend nationalisation from land to industry abruptly halted foreign direct investment of any sizeable nature. The stabilisation of the economy during the coalition years under Tsvangirai and Biti had depended on the substitution of the Zimbabwean currency by US dollars. Now, without investment, and increasingly without productivity – aided and abetted by an increase in corruption by Mugabe’s militarised oligarchy – the dollars dried up. The country went through increasing periods when there were simply no physical dollars in everyday circulation.

Protests

In the midst of this meltdown, citizen protest began to increase. Demands for salaries to be paid on time began to be transformed into a critique of corruption and, increasingly, of an old man in his 90s with no new ideas and a constant need for medical rejuvenation in a variety of foreign clinics. In the face of widening unrest and the loss of support from his war-veteran allies, Mugabe vowed to stay in power, insisting he would stand again for the presidency in 2018.

It was not to be. Preoccupied with holding party factions in check both for the sake of a balance of power within Zanu-PF, and then increasingly to position his wife, Grace, for the succession, Mugabe failed to give attention to the economy and indeed began sabotaging his finance minister, Patrick Chinamasa, by reinstating public servants whom Chinamasa had wanted to dismiss as part of a programme to curtail public expenditure. There were no plans to increase productivity or search for new markets. A bottle of cooking oil became cheaper to import from South Africa than its Zimbabwean production cost. The shortage of US dollars, introduced in 2009, meant the printing of bond notes that heralded the beginnings of new hyperinflation.

When the generals moved against Mugabe, it was a move against mismanagement, the prospect of more of the same from his wife, and Mugabe’s willingness to sacrifice a noted war veteran, Mnangagwa, to placate Grace and smooth the path for her ambitions. It was an ignominious downfall for someone who had risen so high from nothing.

Born and raised at Kutama Mission, in Zvimba district, west of Harare (then Salisbury), Mugabe was a bookish child. His father, Gabriel, deserted the family when Robert was 10, leaving his mother, Bona, to bring up the boy and his five siblings. He was educated by Jesuits, who imbued in him a deep faith, before in 1949 he won a scholarship to Fort Hare University in Eastern Cape, South Africa – a private institution that accepted black students – following closely behind Nelson Mandela. An entire generation of future African leaders passed through its doors and emerged with a taste for learning and for resistance.

It was not until the 1970s and his time in Mozambique that Mugabe became a crypto-Marxist. His belief was anchored in a stages-of-history view of the world, with black liberation constituting a critical stage. It was a cultural and, to an extent, racist view of history – the latter perhaps inevitable as a reaction to the climate of minority white-ruled Rhodesia. Many shared this view and a good number of Zimbabwean intellectuals stood by him for years. His death is unlikely to diminish the sense of enigma that surrounded him, with passionate mourning expected in many parts of Africa and a sense of good riddance among many in the west.

Mugabe’s domestic life was marked by tragedy and controversy. He met Sally Hayfron while teaching in Ghana and they married in 1961. Their only son, Michael Nhamodzenyika (“suffering country” in Shona), died aged three while Mugabe was in jail. He was denied compassionate release for the funeral and it is said this embittered his view of the white population. Sally died in 1992.

He then married his secretary, Grace Marufu, who had borne him two children, Bona and Robert Jr, while he was still married to Sally. A third child, Chatunga, came once they were wedded. Grace was an extravagant figure, nicknamed both “Dis Grace” and “Amazing Grace” – almost the perfect symbol of the oligarchic class around Mugabe – but she was loyal to her husband.

However, when it became clear that Tsvangirai had won in 2008, but before the decision to rig the result was taken, she pleaded with Mugabe to stand down for the sake of their children, who were being taunted at school because their father “had ruined the country”.

After the 2013 elections her demeanour became more and more preoccupied with maintaining her husband in power before she became involved in the struggle for the succession of an increasingly frail old man – seeking that succession for herself.

With the death of Mugabe, questions of his enigma remain. He was, however, a nationalist leader with moments of greatness. He had a far more intellectual sense of African destiny than his critics would acknowledge. He would, in some ways, have made a better professor than a president but, as a president, he clung to power far too long. He achieved liberation and created a tragedy.

He is survived by Grace, and their children, Bona, Robert and Chatunga.

– Guardian service

Paul Nyathi|Information just received indicates that President Emmerson Mnangagwa will not be attending the late former President Robert Mugabe’s private family burial in Zvimba this weekend.

According to the reports, Mnangagwa has designated Home Affairs and Cultural Heritage Minister Cain Mathema to stand for him and read his speech at the burial if the family opens up space for government officials to take part in the programme.

Mugabe and Mnangagwa had a fallout since the later disposed him from power in coup in November 2017 leading to Mugabe making dying wishes that include a call for Mnangagwa not to preside over his burial.

Mugabe also told the family that he does not want Mnangagwa and his allies to take custody of his body as it might be used for ritualistic purposes, sources said.

Before his death in Singapore, Mugabe told his family that he does not want to be associated with Mnangagwa, some government officials and military chiefs, whom he viewed as “betrayers” and “tormentors”.

Mugabe also told his family that he does not want Mnangagwa and the government to have custody of his body at any given moment and pontificate over it, insisting Grace and other family members must closely stick to it until it is interred.

Mnangagwa is expected to arrive in Zimbabwe on Friday night from the UN General Assembly.

Paul Nyathi|The country’s longtime leader Robert Mugabe is finally going to be buried on Saturday not in the much talked about mausoleum at the National Heroes Acre but in rural Zvimba, Mashonaland West after three weeks of drama over the former strongman’s final resting place.

Security has been tight around the former President’s rural home that now will be the burial site after an abrupt change of plans left Zimbabwe’s government with an incomplete mausoleum on a hilltop at the National Heroes Acre.

The family had preferred the rural site but agreed on a burial at the National Heroes Acre in Harare — only after the construction of a mausoleum that would set Mugabe apart from the rest.

Now steel rods and scaffolding remain at the site as the drama over the resting place of one of Africa’s longest serving leaders continues.

Mugabe died this month in Singapore at age 95. He led Zimbabwe for 37 years before being forced by the military and ruling party to retire.

Paul Nyathi|Patrick Zhuwao, a nephew of late former president Robert Mugabe, who is due for a private family burial this weekend says his uncle died a tormented man.

Speaking to City Press newspaper of South Africa recently, Zhuwao said his uncle was forced to seek refuge in a foreign country after “some of his own had turned against him and weighed him down mentally”.

The late struggle stalwart was, according to his nephew, “forced to seek peace of mind in Singapore, where he rented his own accommodation, had no doctor or nurse at hand, was bathed by his wife and son, and was even forced to travel to hospital using Singapore’s equivalent to Uber”.

Zhuwao said the last straw for Robert Mugabe – who was deposed in 2017 – was when the current administration, led by President Emmerson Mnangagwa, realised that killing the ousted leader would result in a huge fallout – so, they resorted to using local TV stations to air content that was meant to “weigh him [Mugabe] down mentally”.

“The old man loved watching news on television. However, since his unceremonious ousting from power in a coup in 2017, most of his former allies had turned against him and were uttering obscenities against him on a regular basis, something that scarred him immensely.

“For his own peace of mind, he decided to leave the country,” said Zhuwao.

“Mugabe had no doctor looking after him. Mrs Mugabe had to train staff to assist the family. He was looked after by domestic workers who had no medical training; these are the people who were assisting Mrs Mugabe to look after her husband.

“When he needed to go on regular trips to see the doctor, they had to order the equivalent of Uber, called Grab – a Singaporean transport company offering this service,” said Zhuwao.

He said such treatment would explain why the family was struggling to reconcile with Mnangagwa and his administration, which he accused of “grandstanding and wanting Mugabe to be buried according to their preference”.

“They cannot have a say because they abandoned him,” he said.

He said that, even when “Mugabe knew that his life was slipping away and could have quite easily said: ‘Take me back to Zimbabwe; I am going to die in Zimbabwe,’ he had opted to rather die in a foreign country – away from most of his colleagues who had ostracised him and blamed him for everything that went wrong”.

Mugabe’s family yesterday dumped government plans to bury Mugabe in a mausoleum at the National Heroes Acre and quickly moved to their rural home in Zvimba where he will be buried tomorrow.

Journalists and other visitors were on Thursday turned away from close to Mugabe’s rural home where secret burial preparations are underway.

Watch video downloading below:

Paul Nyathi|Government has increased fares charged by the Zimbabwe United Passenger Company (ZUPCO) by 100 per cent with effect from October 1, 2019.

This was revealed by the Ministry of Information, Publicity and Broadcasting in a statement on its Twitter handle. The statement says:

From the 1st of October 2019, the ZUPCO bus standard fare will rise from ZWL$0.50 to ZWL$1.00

— Ministry of Information, Publicity & Broadcasting (@InfoMinZW) September 27, 2019

VIDEO LOADING BELOW….

H-Metro|BISHOP Berry Dambaza’s wife yesterday narrated sad incidents she experienced with her husband on the fateful day he threw himself to death from third floor during a funeral service in Milton Park.

Sithembeni Dambaza testified before mourners dismissing alleged infidelity allegations levelled against her over her husband’s suicide.

“When I received the sad news about the passing on of my husband my heart was broken,” said Sithembeni.

“I was not interested in following what was being posted on social media although someone wanted to share that with me.

“I just became emotional and promised to take legal action about it.

“People who know me know that whenever I stand on a pulpit to preach, I am not that kind of a person who is of loose morals.

“In fact my job is to correct what is not right and to rebuke what needs to be rebuked. That is me and my husband was different from me.

“If people tell you different stories it’s not true. I was not there when my husband passed on.

“I was attending to my mother in-law,” said Sithembeni.

She narrated how she made efforts to convince Bishop Dambaza to disclose what was troubling him since he was looking distressed.

Sithembeni said they were involved in an accident a day before the tragedy and how Bishop Dambaza was nearly assaulted at that accident scene.

“Things were not all good that Bishop Dambaza was nearly attacked by the person who was driving an unregistered vehicle.

“Our vehicle was damaged but his vehicle was just scratched but the man assaulted Bishop Dambaza and he remained quiet.

“I asked my husband to get behind the wheel since he looked absent minded but he refused and we went home on Sunday.

“On Monday I kept on reminding him about the Bishops meeting but he said there was no meeting.

“Bishop Dambaza was very particular in making sure that every dollar is accounted for and he never misused any church money.

“He just told me that some of his personal money was not balancing well and that sounded disturbing from him but I encouraged him to move on.

“He wanted to buy a truck he said he would use in moving around preaching the gospel.

“He was a loving husband and I loved him too. He was very quiet and it is one of the characteristics that made me decide to marry him when we met in Zambia.

“People, including my relatives were used to calling me names saying I am ugly but God gave me a handsome man I loved and God gave us blessed children.”

Bishop Dambaza was born in 1960 in Zambia and moved to Zimbabwe in 1981 and met Sithembeni at a Bible College before they got married in 1988.

He pastored in Marondera and Kambuzuma and joined Pentecostal Assemblies of Zimbabwe Upper Room in 1996.

He served as a provincial overseer and a Bishop in charge of finance, administration evangelism and church planting till the time of his death.

Pictures- Tents being pitched at #Mugabe homestead in Zvimba in preparation for #Mugabeburial pic.twitter.com/Zcm5bms01H

— ZimEye (@ZimEye) September 27, 2019

VIDEO LOADING BELOW …

VIDEO LOADING BELOW….

Allow me to congratulate you, Professor Tijjani Mohammed-Bande, on your election as the president of the 74th session of the General Assembly. Zimbabwe is confident that under your able stewardship, the General Assembly will accelerate the achievements of our organisation’s objectives.

May I also commend your immediate predecessor, Ambassador Maria Fernanda Espinosa Garces, for successfully presiding over the 73rd session of the General Assembly.
I address the General Assembly today following the sad passing on of the founding father of our country, the late former President, His Excellency, Cde Robert Gabriel Mugabe.

Mr President,
Zimbabwe is in transition and determined to overcome the reality that we are a collapsed economy with a collapsed currency, due to the illegal economic sanctions imposed on our economy. Since I took over the leadership of Zimbabwe, much has been accomplished with indicative recovery, stabilisation and growth. Immense progress towards macro-economic and fiscal stabilisation, as well as high-impact projects that pave the way for a private sector-led growth have been made.

Embedded in our aspirations, is a strong sense of urgency for us to eradicate poverty, achieve quality and relevant education, create employment for women and youths as well as mitigate the cross-cutting impact of climate change on our society and economy. Our people deserve better and we are committed to delivering.

The engagement and re-engagement with all countries of world towards returning Zimbabwe to its rightful place within the comity of nations is yielding notable progress. Our arms remain outstretched with a genuine heart of friendship and cooperation, to all those willing to take this new and exciting journey of Zimbabwe’s rebirth.

In our desire to deepen democratic space in our country, we have established an open political platform where we invite all political parties to frank debate and dialogue on aspects of socio-political and economic reforms.

Comprehensive and far-reaching reforms are being implemented by my Government for the benefit, protection and economic prosperity of our people, in line with their ever-changing aspirations.

Furthermore, the fiscal austerity and discipline has resulted in balanced books and a budget surplus which is unprecedented in our country. The impact of change and reforms on the generality of our people takes time, but we are in the right direction. We shall continue to put in place social safety nets to cushion the lower strata and most vulnerable members of our society and appeal for further multilateral support, in this regard.

These achievements are in spite of the continued albatross of the illegal economic sanctions. These sanctions constitute a denial of the human rights of the people of Zimbabwe, to develop and improve their quality of life. Furthermore, the sanctions are slowing down our progress, inhibiting our economic recovery and punishing the poorest and most vulnerable.
As the United Nations, let us boldly honour the disciples of our Charter. The wrongs of the world must be set right.

Unfair practices must be challenged; injustice, racism and all forms of oppression of man must be opposed and rejected.

My country applauds the Southern African Development Community, the African Union and all who stand with us in demanding the immediate and unconditional removal of these illegal sanctions. Those that imposed illegal sanctions must heed this call and lift them now. Cooperation is a win-win game. Sanctions are a lose-lose game. Zimbabwe deserves a restart.

Mr President;
Zimbabwe is also reforming laws and regulations governing trade, investment and the ease and cost of doing business. Restrictions on shareholding across all sectors of the economy have been removed and some public entities are being privatised. The new National Investment Policy reflects the commitment of my Administration to open up the economy.

In line with our modernisation and industrialisation agenda, we are enhancing the equality of our education to make it more relevant for modern technology and innovation.

Greater focus is now on science, technology and innovation, while incubation hubs and industrialisation parks are being established throughout the country. Increased collaboration between industry, small and medium enterprises and our education sector for responsive and relevant products, goods and services which answer to the ever changing needs of our country and the world at large.

Mr President;
In our quest to deepen constitutionalism; the rule of law; democratic practics; good corporate governance; transparency and accountability; the capacity of institutions that protect democracy, continue to be enhanced
The anti-corruption drive is being accelerated by my Government through supporting and strengthening institutions which help in the fight against this corruption cancer.

Notable progress has also been achieved in the area of political and legislative reforms. To date, the alignment of most of our laws to the Constitution is almost complete. We commend the support we continue to receive from the UNDP and other stakeholders.

The outdated media laws, access to information, protection of privacy and the old Public Order and Security Act have been repealed. New laws in relation to these areas have been enacted.

Mr President;
Let us accelerate our quest to end poverty by 2030. In the spirit of “leaving no one behind” synergies and greater coherence in the implementation of all global frameworks on sustainable development are imperative. The theme of this session, “Galvanising Multilateral Efforts for Poverty Eradication, Quality Education, Climate Action and Inclusion”, is most appropriate and timely.

As the “climate crisis” continues, the world is changing before our eyes. For us in Southern Africa, the recent Cyclone Idai serves as a reminder that the impact of climate change and its damage to humankind and life on earth, is dire and irreparable.
The Tropical Cyclone Idai left thousands dead, injured or displaced and a trail of infrastructure destruction.

We are still recovering from the disaster, whose cost of reconstruction and recovery is estimated to be about US$600 million, for Zimbabwe alone.
Let me take this opportunity to thank all well-wishers from across the world for the solidarity and support we received towards relief, recovery, reconstruction and other forms of assistance, following the cyclone.

Our country is an agro-based economy with agriculture sector contribution between 15 percent and 20 percent of the country’s GDP and about 60 percent of raw materials for industry. The impact of climate change has not only affected our agricultural productivity and food security, but also our hydropower generation capacity and overall economic recovery, growth and development. Consequently, my Government has since declared a State of National Disaster.

Mr President,
The importance of a re-invigorated and responsive multilateral system to promote global partnership for peace and development cannot be overemphasised. Zimbabwe shall continue to play its part towards the attainment of world peace and sustainable development.
The reform of the United Nations system making it more representative, empowered and responsive to fulfil its mandate is long overdue. Zimbabwe remains firm on the Africa position as enunciated by the Ezulwini Consensus.

Mr President;
Let me conclude by reiterating that Zimbabwe is reforming and undertaking a shared journey towards a better and more secure future. The task facing us is great, the road is long, winding and at times bumpy. But so is our potential and determination to succeed.

I urge the world to be patient with us, to support us and to join us on this new and exciting journey. Together we will realise our common vision of a common future free of poverty, hunger and conflicts, on a safe planet; for the benefit for all our people.
I thank you.

VIDEO LOADING BELOW….

https://youtu.be/2GqVvku5nas

Watch video downloading below